THE   SIEGE  OF   BOSTON 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

NEW  YORK   •    BOSTON   •    CHICAGO 
ATLANTA   •    SAN   FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  LIMITED 

LONDON   •    BOMBAY   •    CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA,  LTD. 

TORONTO 


OLD  STATE  HOUSE 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON 


BY 

ALLEN    FRENCH 


fforfc 

THE    MACMILLAN    COMPANY 
1911 

All  rights  reserved 


COPYRIGHT,  igit, 
BY  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 

Set  up  and  electrotyped.     Published  February,  191 


Nor  too  oft  33  res  3 

J.  S.  Gushing  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 
Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


TO    C.    E.    S. 


PREFACE 

IN  writing  this  book  I  have  endeavored  to 
produce  a  brief  and  readable  account  of  the 
Siege  of  Boston,  and  of  the  events  which 
brought  it  about.  These  were,  of  course, 
parts  of  a  larger  history,  the  connection  with 
which  I  have  carefully  indicated.  My  main 
endeavor,  nevertheless,  has  been  to  treat  my 
subject  as  a  single  organic  series  of  events. 
To  select  the  more  interesting  and  significant 
masses  of  detail,  and  properly  to  coordinate 
them,  has  not  been  an  easy  task.  The  minor 
incidents  were  conditioned  by  the  scale  of  the 
book ;  the  result,  I  hope,  is  fluency  and  a  more 
evident  connection  between  the  larger  events. 

So  far  as  possible,  I  have  relied  upon  con 
temporary  statements.  But  no  writer  on  the 
Siege  can  fail  to  acknowledge  his  deep  obliga 
tions  to  the  " History  of  the  Siege  "  by  Richard 
Frothingham.  This  acknowledgment  I  gladly 

vii 


viii  Preface 

make.  Since  1849,  however,  the  date  of  the 
publication  of  the  book,  there  has  come  to 
light  interesting  new  material  which  I  have 
endeavored  to  incorporate  here.  The  other 
authorities  upon  which  I  have  chiefly  de 
pended  will  be  found  by  referring  to  the  foot 
notes. 


ALLEN  FRENCH. 


CONCORD,  MASSACHUSETTS, 
January,  1911. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PACK 

I.      BEGINNINGS  AND  CONDITIONS  i 

II.      WRITS  OF  ASSISTANCE  AND  THE  STAMP  ACT  .        21 

III.  CHARLES    TOWNSHEND,    SAM    ADAMS,    AND    THE 

MASSACRE          .          .          .          .          .  .41 

IV.  THE  TEA-PARTY  AND  ITS  CONSEQUENCES  .  .        71 
V.      THE   OCCUPATION   OF   BOSTON           .           .  .91 

VI.      THE     POWDER     ALARM    AND     THE    WINTER  OF 

i774-'775      •  •      I23 

VII.      MILITARY    PREPARATIONS          .           .           .  .161 

VIII.      THE   NINETEENTH  OF  APRIL  .           .          .  .187 

IX.      BOSTON   BELEAGUERED    .          .          .           .  .216 

X.      THE  BATTLE   OF  BUNKER  HILL        .          .  .      256 

XI.      WASHINGTON  TAKES   COMMAND          .           .  .      288 

XII.      EVENTS    IN    BOSTON   FROM  JUNE   TO    DECEMBER, 

1775 •     331 

XIII.  WASHINGTON'S   DIFFICULTIES   .           .           .  .361 

XIV.  THE  WINTER  IN  BOSTON        .           .          .  .      392 
XV.      THE  EVACUATION 415 


IX 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

OLD  STATE  HOUSE  .....    Frontispiece 


PAGE 


THE  HUTCHINSON  HOUSE  .          .          .          .          -35 

FANEUIL  HALL         ......  facing      58 

SAMUEL  ADAMS         ......  facing     69 

THE  INVESTMENT  OF  BOSTON     ....  facing   127 

REVERE'S  PICTURE  OF  BOSTON  IN    1768        .          .  .175 

THE  OLD  NORTH  CHURCH        ....  facing   \  8  I 

THE  BATTLE  OF  LEXINGTON      ....  facing    193 

PLAN  OF  THE  SIEGE          .          .          .          .          .          .235 

THE  MINUTE   MAN  .....  facing  303 

THE  OLD  NORTH  BRIDGE          ....  facing   303 

WASHINGTON'S  HEADQUARTERS  ....  facing  374 

DORCHESTER  TOWER          ......      407 

GOLD  MEDAL  COMMEMORATING  WASHINGTON'S  VICTORY      434 


THE  SIEGE  OF  BOSTON 

CHAPTER  I 

BEGINNINGS    AND    CONDITIONS 

THE  Siege  of  Boston  was  the  culmina 
tion  of  a  series  of  events  which  will 
always  be  of  importance  in  the  his 
tory  of  America.  From  the  beginning  of  the 
reign  of  George  the  Third,  the  people  of  the 
English  colonies  in  the  new  world  found  them 
selves  at  variance  with  their  monarch,  and 
nowhere  more  so  than  in  Massachusetts. 
Since  the  New  England  people  were  fitted  by 
their  temperament  and  history  to  take  the 
lead  in  the  struggle,  at  their  chief  town  nat 
urally  took  place  the  more  important  inci 
dents.  These,  which  were  often  dramatic, 
had  nevertheless  a  political  cause  and  sig 
nificance  which  link  them  in  a  rising  series 


2  The  Siege  of  Boston 

that   ended   in    a   violent   outbreak   and  the 
eleven  months'  leaguer. 

As  to  the  siege  itself,  it  varies  an  old  situa 
tion,  for  Boston  was  beset  by  its  own  neigh 
bors  in  defence  of  the  common  rights.  Pre 
viously  the  king's  troops,  though  regarded 
as  invaders,  had  been  but  half-hearted  op 
pressors  ;  it  was  the  people  themselves  who 
persistently  provoked  difficulties.  The  siege 
proper  is  of  striking  military  interest,  for  its 
hostilities  begin  by  the  repulse  of  an  armed 
expedition  into  a  community  of  farmers,  con 
tinue  with  a  pitched  battle  between  regular 
troops  and  a  militia,  produce  a  general  of 
commanding  abilities,  and  end  with  a  stra 
tegic  move  of  great  skill  and  daring.  It  is 
the  first  campaign  of  a  great  war,  and  precedes 
the  birth  of  a  nation.  Politically,  the  cause 
of  the  struggle  is  of  enduring  consequence  to 
mankind.  Socially,  the  siege  and  its  prelim 
inaries  bring  to  view  people  of  all  kinds, 
some  weak,  some  base,  some  picturesque, 
some  entirely  admirable.  The  period  shows 
the  breaking  up  of  an  old  society  and  the  for- 


Beginnings  and  Conditions  3 

mation  of   a  new.     A  study  of  the  siege  is 
therefore  of  value. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  siege  cannot 
satisfactorily  be  considered  as  a  distinct 
series  of  military  or  semi-military  events, 
abruptly  beginning  and  still  more  abruptly 
ending.  Such  a  view  would  reduce  the  siege 
to  a  mere  matter  of  local  history,  having  little 
connection  with  the  larger  movements  of  the 
American  Revolution,  and  appearing  almost 
as  an  accident  which  might  have  happened 
at  any  other  centre  of  sufficient  population.1 
On  the  contrary,  neither  the  siege  nor  the 
Revolution  were  accidents  of  history.  That 
the  Revolution  was  bound  to  come  about, 
and  that  its  beginnings  were  equally  bound  to 
be  at  Boston,  these  were  conditioned  in  the 
nature,  first  of  the  colonists  in  general,  and 
second  of  the  New  Englanders  in  particular. 

1  It  may  appear  to  a  hasty  consideration  that  Froth- 
ingham's  "  Siege  of  Boston  "  treats  the  siege  as  an  isolated 
military  event.  It  must,  however,  be  remembered  that 
Mr.  Frothingham  had  treated  previous  events  in  a  pre 
liminary  volume,  his  "  Life  of  Joseph  Warren." 


4  The  Siege  of  Boston 

However  striking  were  certain  of  the  occur 
rences,  they  were  of  less  importance  than 
their  causes  and  consequences. 

Accordingly  I  shall  consider  as  an  organic 
series  the  more  important  of  those  events 
which  happened  in  Boston  during  the  reign 
of  George  the  Third,  and  which  ended  when 
the  last  of  his  redcoats  departed  from  the 
town.  In  fact,  in  order  to  be  perfectly  in 
telligible  I  must  first  devote  a  few  pages  to 
a  consideration  of  previous  conditions. 

"Any  one,"  wrote  George  E.  Ellis  in  the 
"Memorial  History  of  Boston,"1  "who  at 
tempts  to  trace  the  springs,  the  occasions,  and 
the  directing  forces  of  the  revolt  .  .  .  cannot 
find  his  clew  a  year  short  of  the  date  when 
the  former  self-governed  Colony  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay  became  a  Royal  Province." 
He  is  right  in  pointing  out  that  in  1692  the 
struggle  took  open  form.  Yet  even  then 
the  controversy  was  not  new.  In  other 
form  it  had  been  carried  on  for  more  than 
half  a  century  previous.  Its  ultimate  origin 

1  "Memorial  History  of  Boston,"  ii,  31. 


Beginnings  and  Conditions  5 

lay  in  the  fact  that  the  very  charter  under 
which  the  colony  was  planted  differed  from 
all  other  documents  granted  by  any  English 
king. 

This  difference  lay  in  the  omission  of  the 
condition,  usual  in  such  charters,  that  its 
governing  board  should  meet  in  London 
practically  for  the  purpose  of  supervision 
by  the  king.  That  the  omission  of  this  con 
dition  was  the  result  of  wisdom  on  the  part  of 
the  founders,  and  stupidity  on  the  part  of 
the  officers  of  the  king,  seems  undeniable. 
The  founders,  unhappy  and  alarmed  at  the 
political  and  religious  situation  in  England 
under  Charles  the  First,  were  seeking  to  pro 
vide  for  themselves  and  their  families  a  refuge 
from  his  oppressions.  Secure  in  their  charter, 
they  presently  left  England  for  good.  When 
they  sailed  for  America  they  did  all  that 
could  be  done  to  cut  themselves  off  from  in 
terference  by  the  crown. 

At  intervals,  extremely  valuable  for  the 
future  of  America,  the  Massachusetts  colony 
certainly  was  free  of  all  restraint.  Charles's 


6  The  Siege  of  Boston 

benediction  seems  to  have  been  "Good  rid 
dance  ! "  From  the  crown  the  colonists  re 
ceived  no  assistance  whatever,  and  it  was 
long  both  their  boast  and  their  plea  that  they 
had  planted  the  colony  uat  their  own  ex 
pense."  They  were  left  to  work  out  their 
own  salvation.1  As  a  result,  their  passionate 
desire  for  freedom  from  interference  by  the 
king  grew  into  the  feeling  that  they  had  earned 
it  as  a  right.  Englishmen  they  were  still,  and 
subjects  of  the  king ;  but  to  the  privileges 
of  Englishmen  they  had  added  the  right  to 
manage  their  own  affairs.  The  English  king 
and  the  English  law  were  to  help  them  in 
their  difficulties  and  to  settle  cases  of  appeal. 
In  return  they  would  grant  money  and  fight 
for  the  king  when  necessary ;  but  in  the  mean 
time  they  would  live  by  themselves. 

Taking  advantage  of  the  clause  in  their 
charter  which  authorized  them  "to  ordain 
and  establish  all  manner  of  wholesome  and 

1  "  They  nourished  by  your  indulgence  ?  They  grew 
up  by  your  neglect  of  them  !"  Barre's  speech  in  Par 
liament,  February,  1765. 


Beginnings  and  Conditions  7 

reasonable  orders,  laws,  statutes,  and  ordi 
nances,"  they  speedily  took  to  themselves 
everything  but  the  name  of  independence. 
They  instituted  courts  for  all  purposes,  set 
up  their  legislative  government,  raised  their 
own  taxes,  whether  general  or  local,  and 
perfected  that  wonderful  instrument  of  re 
sistance  to  oppression,  New  England  town 
government.  They  even  coined  money.  And, 
different  from  most  of  the  other  colonies,  they 
chose  their  governor  from  among  their  own 
number. 

Distance  and  home  difficulties  —  for  the 
Stuart  kings  usually  had  their  hands  full  of 
trouble  with  their  subjects  — favored  the  non 
interference  which  the  colonists  craved. 
When,  however,  the  Stuarts  had  any  leisure 
at  all,  they  at  once  devoted  it  to  quarrelling 
with  their  subjects  in  New  England.  Even 
to  the  easy-going  Charles  II  the  cool  aloof 
ness  of  the  colonists  was  a  bit  too  strong ; 
to  his  father  and  brother  it  was  intolerable. 

The  invariable  methods  of  the  colonists, 
when  facing  a  demand  from  the  king,  were 


8  The  Siege  of  Boston 

evasion  and  delay.  "Avoid  or  protract" 
were  Winthrop's  own  words  in  1635.  In 
1684  the  General  Court  wrote  advising  their 
attorney,  employed  in  England  in  defending 
the  charter,  "to  spin  out  the  case  to  the  utter 
most."1  Once  and  once  only  until  the  Revo 
lution  —  in  the  case  of  the  seizing  of  Andros 
—  did  the  men  of  Massachusetts  proceed  to 
action.  Their  habitual  policy  was  safe,  and, 
on  the  whole,  successful.  Slow  communication 
(one  voyage  of  commissioners  from  Boston 
to  England  took  three  months),  and  the  ex 
istence  in  England  of  a  strong  party  of  friends, 
helped  powerfully  to  obscure  and  obliterate  the 
issues.  Yet  Charles  I  in  1640,  and  James  II 
in  1689,  made  preparations  to  reduce  the 
colony  to  proper  subjection,  by  force  if  nec 
essary. 

It  was  doubtless  well  for  Massachusetts 
that  both  Charles  and  James  were  presently 
dethroned,  for  against  the  power  of  England 
no  successful  resistance  could  then  have  been 
made.  New  England,  indeed,  might  have 

1  "Memorial  History  of  Boston,"  i,  340,  376. 


Beginnings  and  Conditions  9 

been  united  against  the  king,  but  it  is  very 
unlikely  that  the  other  colonies  would  have 
given  their  help.  Some  generations  more 
were  needed  before  the  aristocrats  of  Virginia 
could  feel  themselves  at  one  with  the  Puritans 
of  New  England. 

Yet  it  is  interesting  to  notice  the  spirit  of 
Massachusetts.  On  the  news  of  Charles's  in 
tentions  the  colony  prepared  for  resistance. 
In  James's  time  it  went  a  step  further.  When 
the  news  came  of  the  expedition  of  William 
of  Orange,  Massachusetts  cast  in  its  lot  with 
him.  Without  waiting  to  learn  the  result 
of  the  struggle,  Boston  rose  against  James's 
unpopular  governor,  and  imprisoned  him  in 
the  Castle.  The  act  was  heroic,  for  the 
Bloody  Assizes  had  taught  the  world  what 
punishment  the  cowardly  king  meted  out  to 
rebels. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  political  status 
of  Massachusetts  was  already  changed.  After 
many  delays  Charles  II  had  abrogated  the 
charter.  His  death  followed  almost  immedi 
ately,  and  Andros  had  been  appointed  at 


io  The  Siege  of  Boston 

the  head  of  a  provisional  government.  Doubt 
less  the  resistance  to  him  had  been  inspired 
by  the  hope  that  the  old  charter  might  be 
restored.  Instead,  William,  when  once  se 
cure  on  the  throne,  issued  a  new  charter. 
Under  its  provisions  the  colony,  now  a  prov 
ince,  lived  until  the  Revolution.  In  order 
that  the  events  leading  up  to  the  siege  may 
be  understood,  it  will  be  well  to  consider 
the  provisions  of  the  new  governmental 
machinery. 

At  the  head  of  the  province  were  to  be  a 
governor  and  a  lieutenant-governor,  both  ap 
pointed  by  the  king.  Their  powers  were  ex 
ecutive,  with  the  right  of  veto  over  legislation, 
and  also  over  certain  appointments  by  the 
legislature.  Laws  passed  by  this  legislature 
and  not  vetoed  by  the  governor  or  the  king 
were  to  go  in  force  three  years  after  their  en 
actment.  The  legislature  had  two  houses, 
the  lower  a  popular  chamber,  called  the  As 
sembly,  elected  by  the  towns.  The  upper 
branch  was  called  the  Council.  The  first 
Council  was  appointed  by  the  king;  later 


Beginnings  and  Conditions  n 

members  were  to  be  nominated  by  the  As 
sembly  for  the  approval  of  the  governor. 
The  Assembly  and  Council  formed  together 
the  Great  and  General  Court.  Judges  were 
to  be  chosen  by  the  governor  and  Council,  but 
all  officers  were  to  be  paid  by  the  General 
Court.  As  will  be  seen  later,  in  the  case  of  the 
Writs  of  Assistance,  appeal  could  be  taken 
to  the  English  courts. 

And  now  for  the  first  time  became  evident 
the  fact  that  three  generations  of  practical 
independence  had  bred  in  America  a  race  of 
men  —  or  it  may  be  better  to  say  had  fostered 
a  school  of  thought  -  -  that  never  could  agree 
in  submitting  to  a  distant  and  arbitrary 
authority.  In  the  seventy  years  which  fol 
lowed,  New  England  showed  this  spirit  in 
many  ways.  The  most  prominent  cause  of 
disagreement  was  the  question  of  the  gov 
ernor's  prerogatives,  resulting  in  constant 
bickerings  with  the  crown. 

The  principle,  of  course,  lay  deeper  still. 
On  the  one  side  were  sovereigns  whose  powers 
were  not  yet  definitely  restricted,  and  who 


12  The  Siege  of  Boston 

were  likely  to  resent  any  apparent  tendency 
to  make  them  less.  On  the  other  side  was 
a  people  who  had  progressed  far  in  self-gov 
ernment,  and  who  resisted  any  limitation  of 
their  rights.  It  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  book 
to  trace  the  earlier  unification  of  the  colonies 
under  pressure  from  without.  By  the  year 
1760  that  process  was  approaching  com 
pletion  ;  there  was,  therefore,  in  America  a 
stronger  feeling  than  ever,  while  across  the 
water  was  that  new  ruler  into  whose  youth 
ful  ears  his  mother  had  continually  dinned 
the  words,  "George,  be  king!" 

It  is  well  to  understand  the  status  of  a 
colony  in  those  days,  and  the  difficulties  with 
which  its  inhabitants  struggled.  Yet  it  is 
hard  for  the  modern  man  to  conceive  the 
restrictions  upon  freedom.  From  earliest  days 
there  had  been  discontent  with  the  king's 
claim  to  the  finest  trees  in  the  public  forests, 
the  "mast  trees"  which,  reserved  for  the  king's 
navy,  no  man  might  lawfully  cut.1  Exporta 
tion  of  lumber,  except  to  England  and  the 

1  See,  on  this  point,  Sabine's  "American  Loyalists,"  7. 


Beginnings  and  Conditions  13 

British  West  Indies,  was  long  illegal.  Trade 
with  the  French  and  Spanish  islands  was  pro 
hibited  entirely,  and  trade  in  many  products 
of  home  manufacture  (tobacco,  sugar,  wool, 
dye-stuffs,  furs,  are  prominent  examples)  was 
forbidden  "to  any  place  but  Great  Britain  - 
even  to  Ireland."  1  Certain  merchandise  might 
be  imported  at  will,  subject  to  duty ;  but 
most  articles  could  be  bought,  and  sold,  only 
through  Great  Britain. 

Further,  internal  commerce  and  manufac 
ture  were  severely  hampered.  No  wool  or 
woollen  product  might  be  carried  from  one 
province  to  another.  The  Bible  might  not 
be  printed.  The  making  of  hats  was  almost 
entirely  suppressed.  The  manufacture  of  iron, 
on  a  scale  sufficient  to  compete  with  English 
wares,  was  practically  prohibited  —  as  a  "nui 
sance."2 

Under  all  these  restrictions  the  colonies 
were  not  as  yet  restive.  To  be  sure  there 

1  Bancroft's  "United  States,"  ed.  1855,  v,  265.     Ref 
erences  to  Bancroft  will  at  first  be  to  this  edition. 

2  Bancroft's  "United  States,"  v,  266. 


14  The  Siege  of  Boston 

were  smuggling  and  illicit  trade,  and  griev 
ances  in  plenty;  yet  the  stress  of  colonial 
life,  the  continual  danger  from  the  north 
and  west,  had  kept  the  provincials  satisfied 
as  a  body.  And  now,  at  the  opening  of  the 
reign  of  George  III,  with  the  French  driven 
out  of  Canada  and  the  Mississippi  Valley, 
and  the  Indians  subdued,  there  should  have 
been  concord  between  the  colonists  and  the 
king. 

The  comparison  between  the  two  is  very 
striking,  while  at  the  same  time  it  is  not 
easily  brought  home  to  the  city  dweller  of 
to-day.  City  government  gives  the  individual 
a  chance  to  bury  himself  in  the  mass,  and  to 
avoid  his  duties  ;  further,  our  cities  are  now 
many,  and  very  large,  while  we  are  notoriously 
patient  under  misrule.  In  1760,  on  the 
other  hand,  few  towns  had  as  yet  adopted 
city  government.  Boston  was  the  largest 
town,  and  its  population  was  little  more  than 
fifteen  thousand.  So  well  did  its  enemies 
understand  one  reason  for  its  truculence,  that 
they  even  considered  means  to  force  upon 


Beginnings  and  Conditions  15 

the  town  a  city  charter.  The  question  came, 
however,  to  no  definite  proposition.  The 
town  therefore  proceeded  with  its  open  dis 
cussion  of  all  public  questions,  with  its  right 
of  free  speech  in  town  meetings  extended 
even  to  strangers,  and  with  its  viva  voce  vote 
letting  each  man  know  where  his  neighbor 
stood.  "The  town"  was  an  entity  of  which 
each  man  felt  himself  a  part.  As  a  whole,  its 
self-consciousness  was  like  that  of  an  indi 
vidual  :  it  could  feel  a  trespass  on  its  privi 
leges  as  quickly  as  could  the  haughtiest  mon 
arch  of  the  old  world.  And  all  New  England 
was  filled  with  towns  wrhose  feelings,  on  all 
essential  points,  were  one  and  the  same. 

Against  the  town-meetings  of  America  stood 
George  III,  as  determined  to  assert  his  pre 
rogatives  as  was  any  member  of  the  house  of 
Stuart.  Still  comparatively  young,  he  had 
not  yet  learned  that  there  are  limitations  of 
power,  even  to  a  king.  And  it  was  to  the 
misfortune  of  his  empire  that  there  were  few 
in  England  to  teach  him. 

For   the  old   Puritan   middle   class   of   the 


1 6  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Stuart  days  was  gone.  Its  fibre  had  softened ; 
the  class  itself  had  disappeared  in  the  easier- 
going  masses  of  a  more  prosperous  day.  For 
seventy-five  years  England  had  had  no  in 
ternal  dissensions,  and  her  foreign  wars  had 
added  to  her  wealth  and  contentment.  To 
her  well-wishers  it  seemed  as  if  the  people 
had  given  itself  to  sloth  and  indulgence.  "I 
am  satisfied,"  wrote  Burke,  "that,  within  a 
few  years,  there  has  been  a  great  change  in 
the  national  character.  We  seem  no  longer 
that  eager,  inquisitive,  jealous,  fiery  people 
which  we  have  been  formerly,  and  which  we 
have  been  a  very  short  time  ago."  l  Eng 
land  was  the  country  of  Tom  Jones,  hearty 
and  healthy,  but  animated  by  no  high  prin 
ciples  and  keyed  to  no  noble  actions.  It 
needed  the  danger  of  the  Napoleonic  wars  to 
bring  out  once  more  the  sturdy  manliness  of 
the  nation.  Through  all  the  earlier  reign  of 
George  III  there  was,  to  be  sure,  a  remainder 
of  the  old  high-minded  spirit.  Chatham  and 
Rockingham,  Burke,  Barre,  and  others,  spoke 

1  Trevelyan,  "American  Revolution,"  Part  i,  21. 


Beginnings  and  Conditions  17 

in  public  and  private  for  the  rights  of  the 
colonists,  to  whom  their  encouragement  gave 
strength.  But  the  greater  part  of  the  Eng 
lish  people  was  so  indifferent  to  the  moral 
and  political  significance  of  the  quarrel  that 
the  king  was  practically  able  to  do  as  he 
pleased. 

He  proceeded  on  the  assumption  that  every 
man  had  his  price.  The  assumption  was 
unhappily  too  correct,  for  he  was  able  to 
gather  round  him,  in  Parliament  or  the  civil 
service,  his  owrn  party,  the  "King's  Friends," 
who  served  him  for  the  profit  that  they  got. 
No  tale  of  modern  corruption  can  surpass 
the  record  of  their  plundering  of  a  nation. 
With  this  goes  a  story  of  gambling,  drinking, 
and  general  loose  living  which,  while  the  at 
tention  is  concentrated  on  it,  rouses  the 
belief  that  the  nation  was  wholly  degenerate, 
until  the  recollection  of  the  remnant,  Chat 
ham  and  the  party  of  the  Earl  of  Rocking- 
ham,  gives  hope  of  the  salvation  of  the  coun 
try. 

At  any  rate,  for  more  than  fifteen  years  of 


1 8  The  Siege  of  Boston 

his  reign  the  king  was  in  the  ascendant. 
There  was  no  party  to  depose  him,  scarcely 
one  strong  enough  to  curb  him,  even  at  times 
of  popular  indignation.  He  was,  therefore, 
as  no  other  king  had  been  before  him,  able  to 
force  the  issue  upon  the  colonies,  in  spite  of 
the  protests  of  the  few  friends  of  liberty.  In 
complete  ignorance  of  the  strength  of  the 
colonists,  both  in  resources  and  in  purpose, 
he  proceeded  to  insist  upon  his  rights.  When 
it  is  remembered  that  those  rights,  according 
to  his  interpretation  of  them,  were  to  tax 
without  representation,  to  limit  trade  and 
manufactures,  and  to  interfere  at  will  in  the 
management  of  colonial  affairs,  it  will  be 
seen  that  he  was  playing  with  fire. 

The  danger  will  appear  the  greater  if  it  is 
considered  that  the  population  of  the  colo 
nies  had  not  progressed,  like  that  of  England, 
to  days  of  easy  tolerance.  The  Americans, 
and  especially  the  New  Englanders,  were  of 
the  same  stuff  as  those  who  had  beheaded 
Charles  I,  and  driven  James  II  from  his 
kingdom.  They  had  among  their  military 


Beginnings  and  Conditions  19 

officers  plenty  of  such  men  as  Pomeroy,  who, 
destined  to  fight  at  Bunker  Hill,  wrote  from 
the  siege  of  Louisburg :  "It  looks  as  if  our 
campaign  would  last  long ;  but  I  am  willing 
to  stay  till  God's  time  comes  to  deliver  the 
city  into  our  hands."  1  Many  besides  himself 
wrote,  and  even  spoke,  in  Biblical  language. 
There  were  still  heard,  in  New  England,  the 
echoes  of  the  "Great  Awakening";  the 
preaching  of  Whitefield  and  others  had  every 
where  roused  a  keen  religious  feeling,  and 
the  people  were  as  likely  as  ever  to  open 
town-meeting  with  prayer,  and  to  go  into 
battle  with  psalms. 

Such,  then,  were  the  contestants  in  the 
struggle.  On  the  one  side  was  the  king  with 
his  privileges,  backed  by  his  Parliamentary 
majority,  and  having  at  command  an  efficient 
army  and  navy,  and  a  full  treasury.  There 
was  at  hand  no  one  to  resist  him  successfully 
at  home,  none  to  whose  warnings  he  would 
listen.  And  on  the  other  side  were  the  colo 
nists,  quite  capable  of  fighting  for  what  they 

1  "Memorial  History  of  Boston,"  ii,  116. 


2O  The  Siege  of  Boston 

knew  to  be  the  "rights  of  Englishmen." 
Both  hoped  to  proceed  peaceably.  In  igno 
rance,  each  was  hoping  for  the  impossible,  for 
the  king  would  not  retreat,  and  the  colonists 
would  not  yield.  As  soon  as  each  under 
stood  the  other's  full  intention,  there  would 
be  a  rupture. 


CHAPTER  II 

WRITS    OF    ASSISTANCE    AND    THE    STAMP    ACT 

THE  men  who,  whether  in  America  or 
England,  took  sides  with  the  king  or 
the  colonies  as  Tories  and  Whigs,  or  as 
"prerogative  men"  and  "friends  of  liberty," 
fall  naturally  into  two  classes.  A  line  of 
cleavage  could  be  seen  at  the  time,  and  can 
even  be  traced  now,  among  the  supporters  of 
either  side,  according  as  they  followed  prin 
ciple  or  self-interest.  There  were  those  who 
sought  profit  in  supporting  the  colonies,  as 
well  as  those  who  knowingly  faced  loss  in 
defending  the  king.  It  is  well  for  Americans 
to  remember,  therefore,  that  while  many 
sided  with  the  king  for  what  they  could  get, 
there  were  others  whose  minds  could  not 
conceive  a  country  without  a  king,  or  a  sub 
ject  with  inalienable  rights.  The  best  of  the 
Tories  honestly  believed  the  Whig  agitation 


22  The  Siege  of  Boston 

to  be  "unnatural,  causeless,  wanton,  and 
wicked."  1  Such  Americans  were,  in  the  in 
evitable  struggle,  truly  martyrs  to  their 
beliefs. 

Nevertheless,  just  as  there  was  naturally 
more  profit  or  prominence  (and  the  two  were 
often  the  same)  on  the  king's  side,  so  his 
party  had  the  more  self-seekers.  "The  cause 
is  not  worth  dying  for,"  said  Ingersoll,  facing 
the  Connecticut  farmers,  and  spoke  the  senti 
ment  of  all  the  stamp-officers  who  resigned 
their  positions  at  the  demand  of  the  people. 
The  cause,  however,  did  seem  worth  working 
for.  There  were  many,  in  England  and 
America,  who,  like  those  whom  Otis  saw 
around  him,  "built  much  upon  the  fine 
salaries  they  should  receive  from  the  planta 
tion  branch  of  the  revenue."  Position,  pay, 
and  the  chance  to  exploit  the  revenues  as  this 
was  done  in  England,  were  the  temptations 
which  brought  many  to  the  side  of  the  king, 

1  The  adjectives  are  those  of  Massachusettensis,  the 
ablest  Tory  pamphleteer,  as  quoted  in  Frothingham's 
"Siege,"  33. 


Writs  of  Assistance  and  the  Stamp  Act     23 

and  which  made  men  unite  to  urge  upon  him 
the  acts  which  he  desired  for  less  selfish  rea 
sons. 

Urged  by  principle,  then,  or  excited  by 
self-interest,  the  proposers  of  new  measures 
were  strong.  The  earliest  act  of  the  king's 
reign  showed  what  could  and  what  would  be 
done,  and  brought  upon  the  Boston  stage  the 
first  of  the  actors  in  the  drama.  On  the  one 
hand  were  the  governor,  the  justices,  and  the 
minor  officials,  on  the  other  the  people's  self- 
appointed  —  but  willingly  accepted  —  leaders. 

Francis  Bernard  was  the  first  Massachu 
setts  governor  under  George  III.  Bernard 
arrived  August  2,  1760;  the  old  king  died  on 
October  25  ;  and  in  November  the  customs 
officials,  stimulated  by  orders  from  home  to 
enforce  the  provisions  of  the  Sugar  Act  of 
1733,  petitioned  for  " writs  of  assistance,"  to 
empower  them  to  summon  help  in  forcible 
entries  in  search  of  smuggled  goods.  Now 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  there  was  smug 
gling  in  the  colony,  even  in  Boston  itself.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  officials  were  inquisitorial 


24  The  Siege  of  Boston 

and  rapacious.  Once  they  were  armed  with 
writs  of  assistance,  no  dwelling  would  be  safe 
from  entry  by  them.  The  struggle  was  at  once 
begun,  and  in  the  council  chamber  of  the  old 
Town  House  was  fought  out  before  the  eyes  of 
the  province. 

The  scene  is  pictured  on  the  walls  of  the 
modern  State  House.  Chief  among  the  jus 
tices  sat  Thomas  Hutchinson,  a  man  of 
property  and  education,  and  an  excellent 
historian,  but  the  very  type  of  office-holder, 
and  by  prejudice  and  interest  a  partisan  of 
the  king.  Against  him  stood  James  Otis,  the 
first  of  the  Massachusetts  orators  of  liberty, 
a  man  of  good  family,  and,  like  so  many  of 
the  patriot  leaders,  a  lawyer.  His  speech  was 
the  first  definite  pronouncement  for  a  new 
order  of  things. 

"I  am  determined,"  he  said,  "to  sacrifice 
estate,  ease,  health,  applause,  and  even  life, 
to  the  sacred  calls  of  my  country."  He 
referred  to  the  "kind  of  power,  the  exercise 
of  which  cost  one  king  of  England  his  head 
and  another  his  throne."  Such  language, 


Writs  of  Assistance  and  the  Stamp  Act     25 

publicly  spoken,  was  new.  His  argument 
was,  to  Englishmen,  irrefutable.  No  prece 
dent,  no  English  statute,  could  stand  against 
the  Constitution.  "This  writ,  if  declared 
legal,  totally  annihilates"  the  privacy  of 
the  home.  "Custom-house  officers  might 
enter  our  houses  when  they  please,  and  we 
could  not  resist  them.  Upon  bare  suspicion 
they  could  exercise  this  wanton  power.  .  .  . 
Both  reason  and  the  Constitution  are  against 
this  writ.  .  .  .  Every  act  against  the  Con 
stitution  is  void."  1  The  speech,  continued 
for  four  hours,  was  a  brilliant  example  of 
keen  logic  combined  with  burning  eloquence. 

This  is  Otis's  great  service  to  the  cause  of 
the  Revolution.  Fiery  and  magnetic,  but 
moody  and  eventually  unbalanced,  he  gave 
place  in  the  public  confidence  to  men  per 
haps  of  lesser  talents,  but  with  equal  zeal  and 
steadier  purpose.  Yet  his  service  was  in 
valuable.  His  speech  expressed  for  his  coun 
trymen  the  indignation  of  the  hour,  and  it 
pointed  the  way  to  younger  men.  To  one 

1  "Memorial  History  of  Boston,"  iii,  5. 


26  The  Siege  of  Boston 

at  least  of  his  hearers,  John  Adams,  it  was 
"like  the  oath  of  Hamilcar  administered  to 
Hannibal."  *  To  many  it  was  the  final  appeal 
that  settled  them  in  their  patriotism.  For 
history  the  scene  has  been  called  the  begin 
ning  of  the  Revolution. 

Yet  it  had  no  immediate  results,  for  Hutch- 
inson  —  and  the  service  was  forgotten  by 
neither  his  friends  nor  his  opponents  —  se 
cured  delay  of  judgment  in  the  case  until  the 
English  courts  could  uphold  him  against  his 
wavering  associates.  Nevertheless,  it  is  safe 
to  assume  that  the  public  indignation  secured 
moderate  measures  on  the  part  of  the  cus 
toms  officials,  since  we  hear  of  few  com 
plaints.  And  the  affair  had  its  influence  on 
the  public  attitude  toward  the  Stamp  Act, 
five  years  later. 

1  The  Stamp  Act  was  the  first  definite  asser 
tion  of  the  right  to  tax  America.  In  1763 
the  Sugar  Act  had  been  reenacted,  but  its 
provisions,  taxing  only  importations  from 
foreign  colonies,  yielded  little  revenue.  The 

1  "Memorial  History  of  Boston,"  iii,  7. 


Writs  of  Assistance  and  the  Stamp  Act     27 

king's  treasury  was  already  feeling  the  drains 
upon  it,  and  a  pack  of  eager  office-seekers 
was  clamoring  to  be  let  loose  upon  the  rev 
enues  of  the  colonies.  Together  the  king  and 
his  friends  pushed  through  Parliament  the 
legislation  which  was  to  secure  their  purposes. 
To  meet  any  such  danger  as  in  the  recent 
French  and  Indian  wars,  ten  thousand  sol 
diers  were  to  be  quartered  on  the  colonies, 
which  were  to  pay  for  their  maintenance. 
Certain  sops  to  public  sentiment  were  given, 
in  the  shape  of  concessions,  yet  new  restric 
tions  were  laid  on  foreign  trade.  And  finally 
and  most  important,  a  stamp-tax,  the  easiest 
to  collect,  was  laid  on  business  and  legal 
formalities  of  all  kinds.  After  its  passage  no 
land  title  might  be  passed,  no  legal  papers 
issued,  no  ship  might  clear  from  a  home  port, 
without  a  stamp  affixed  to  the  necessary 
documents.  Not  even  inheritances  might  be 
transferred,  nor  marriages  be  legalized. 

This  was  the  first  internal  taxation  laid 
by  England  on  America.  A  word  is  neces 
sary  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  phrase  in  those 


28  The  Siege  of  Boston 

days.  An  external  tax,  perhaps  merely  an 
export  duty,  was  levied  and  paid  in  Eng 
land  ;  its  effect  was  seen  in  higher  prices  in 
the  colonies.  Internal  taxation  would  in 
clude  all  taxes  actually  paid  in  America  on 
goods  coming  from  England.  The  provisions 
of  the  Sugar  Act  were  regarded  as  "trade  re 
strictions,"  and  not  as  intended  to  raise  an 
English  revenue. 

There  is  perhaps  no  better  place  to  discuss 
the  justice  of  the  Revolution  than  right  here. 
Even  to-day  the  illegality,  the  utter  wrong- 
fulness  of  the  American  position,  is  occasion 
ally  raised  among  us  by  those  who  see  the 
great  obligations  to  the  mother  country  under 
which  the  colonies  lay,  and  who  recall  the 
needless  hardships  suffered  by  the  wretched 
Tories,  the  martyrs  of  a  lost  cause.  Doubt 
less  wrongs  were  inflicted  in  the  course  of  the 
struggle,  and  the  great  expenditures  of  Eng 
land  were  in  large  part  unrequited.  But  it 
must  be  remembered  that  the  world  had  not 
yet  reached  the  point  where  the  losers  in  a 
war  were  gently  treated,  and  that  no  amount 


Writs  of  Assistance  and  the  Stamp  Act     29 

of  financial  obligation  will  ever  compel  to  the 
acceptance  of  political  servitude.  By  habit  of 
mind  and  force  of  circumstances  America  had 
developed  a  political  theory  puzzlingly  novel 
to  the  old  world  and  as  yet  not  thoroughly 
understood  by  the  new.  It  was  upon  this 
unformulated  theory  that  all  future  differences 
were  to  arise.  It  interfered  in  all  affairs  in 
which  the  question  arose  :  Should  the  colonies 
be  governed,  and  especially  should  they  be 
taxed,  without  a  voice  in  their  own  affairs  ? 
No  one  in  England  doubted  that  Parlia 
ment  had  a  right  to  tax  America  without  its 
consent.  Customs  restrictions  were  long  fa 
miliar.  As  to  internal  taxation,  why,  it  was 
asked,  should  the  colonies  have  a  voice  in 
Parliament  ?  Birmingham  and  Manchester, 
great  centres  of  population,  were  not  repre 
sented,  while  that  uninhabited  heap  of  stones, 
Old  Sarum,  sent  a  member  to  the  Commons. 
Resting  on  these  abuses,  even  Pitt  and  Burke 
were  content  to  argue  that  taxation  of  America 
was  just.  For  them  it  was  a  question  whether 
that  right  should  be  exercised. 


3O  The  Siege  of  Boston 

With  the  best  will  in  the  world  to  be  on 
good  terms  with  the  mother  country,  America 
could  not  agree  in  such  reasoning.  The  case 
had  nothing  to  do  with  obligations.  As  for 
these,  the  colonists  knew  that  England  would 
never  have  won  against  the  French  in  Canada 
without  their  aid.  But  that  was  not  the 
question.  Should  those  who  for  a  hundred 
and  thirty-five  years  had  paid  no  tax  to  Eng 
land  pay  one  now  ?  Were  the  people  who 
for  seventy  years  had  drawn  a  fine  distinc 
tion  between  paying  their  governor  of  their 
own  accord  and  paying  him  at  the  command 
of  the  king,  and  who  in  every  year  of  royal 
governorship  had  made  their  contention  plain 
-  were  they  to  be  satisfied  to  pay  taxes 
because  Birmingham  did  ? 

Undoubtedly  there  were  other  causes  for 
discontent.  "  To  me,"  says  Sabine,  in  the 
preface  to  his  "American  Loyalists,"  "the 
documentary  history,  the  state  papers  of  the 
period  teach  nothing  more  clearly  than  this, 
namely,  that  almost  every  matter  brought 
into  discussion  was  practical,  and  in  some 


Writs  of  Assistance  and  the  Stamp  Act     3 1 

form  or  other  related  to  LABOR,  to  some 
branch  of  COMMON  INDUSTRY."  He  reminds  us 
that  twenty-nine  laws  limited  industry  in  the 
colonies,  and  concludes  that  "the  great  object 
of  the  Revolution  was  to  release  LABOR  from 
these  restrictions."  Undoubtedly  these  re 
strictive  laws  had  their  effect  upon  the  temper 
of  the  people.  Undoubtedly  also  there  was 
much  fear  lest  there  should  be  established  in 
the  colonies  a  bureaucracy  of  major  and 
minor  officials,  corruptly,  as  in  England,  win 
ning  fortunes  for  themselves.  Yet  the  ques 
tion  of  taxation,  a  matter  of  merely  theoretical 
submission,  which  produced  no  hardship  and 
would  not  impoverish  the  country,  was  the 
main  cause  of  trouble.  The  two  branches  of 
the  race  had  long  unconsciously  parted  their 
ways,  and  the  realization  of  it  was  upon  them. 
Upon  the  proposal  of  the  Stamp  Act  the 
colonies  did  everything  in  their  power  to 
prevent  the  passage  of  the  bill.  They  urged 
that  internal  taxation  had  never  been  levied 
before.  Protests,  arguments,  and  petitions 
were  sent  across  the  water,  but  in  vain.  The 


32  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Commons  fell  back  upon  its  custom  "to  re 
ceive  no  petition  against  a  money  bill,"  and 
would  listen  to  nothing.  "We  have  the 
power  to  tax  them,  and  we  will  tax  them."  1 
And  following  this  utterance  of  one  of  the 
ministry,  the  bill  was  passed. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  no  resistance 
to  the  tax  was  expected.  Its  operation  was 
automatic;  there  was  no  hardship  in  its  pro 
visions  ;  of  course  the  colonists  would  yield. 
Even  Franklin,  who  should  have  known 
his  countrymen  better,  expected  submission. 
uThe  sun  is  down,"  he  wrote,  but  "we  may 
still  light  candles.  Frugality  and  industry 
will  go  a  great  way  toward  indemnifying  us." 
His  correspondent,  Charles  Thomson,  had  in 
this  case  the  truer  foresight,  and  predicted 
the  works  of  darkness.2 

Throughout  the  colonies  there  was  not 
only  sorrow,  but  anger.  When  even  Hutch- 
inson  had  protested  against  the  Stamp  Act, 

1  Bancroft's  "United  States,"  v,  247. 

2  Fiske,  "American  Revolution,"  illustrated  edition, 

i,  17. 


Writs  of  Assistance  and  the  Stamp  Act     33 

it  can  be  seen  how  the  Whigs  would  feel. 
Non-importation  agreements  were  widely 
signed,  and  people  accustomed  to  silks  and 
laces  prepared  to  go  into  homespun.  But 
the  act,  passed  in  February,  1765,  was  not 
to  go  into  effect  until  November.  Before 
that  date,  much  could  be  done. 

What  was  done  came  from  the  lower  as 
well  as  the  upper  classes.  The  people  acted 
promptly.  One  colony  after  another  sent 
crowds  to  those  who  had  accepted,  in  advance, 
the  positions  of  stamp-officers.  One  by  one, 
under  persuasion  or  intimidation,  the  officers 
resigned  until  none  were  left.  In  New  York 
the  governor  fled  to  the  military  for  pro 
tection,  and  from  the  parapet  of  the  fort 
looked  helplessly  on  while  the  people  burnt 
before  his  eyes  his  own  coach,  containing 
images  of  himself  and  the  devil.  But  before 
this  happened,  Boston,  first  of  all  the  capitals 
to  take  a  positive  stand,  began  to  draw  upon 
itself  the  particular  resentment  of  the  king. 

Early  in  August  came  to  Boston  the  news 
of  the  nomination  of  its  stamp-collector, 


34  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Andrew  Oliver,  long  prominent  upon  the 
Tory  side.  The  lower  class  of  the  inhabitants, 
after  a  week  of  delay,  stirred  itself  to  action. 
On  the  I4th  the  image  of  Oliver  was  seen 
hanging  on  the  bough  of  a  large  elm,  then 
known  as  the  Great  Tree.  Hutchinson 
ordered  the  image  down,  but  as  the  sheriff 
did  not  act,  Bernard  summoned  his  council, 
and  until  evening  fruitlessly  endeavored  to 
urge  them  to  action.  Then  the  populace, 
having  themselves  removed  the  image,  came 
to  the  Town  House,  and,  passing  directly 
through  it,  shouted  to  the  council,  still  sitting 
upstairs,  "Liberty,  property,  and  no  stamps  !" 
Proceeding  with  perfect  order,  the  crowd  next 
tore  down  the  frame  of  a  building  which  Oliver 
was  suspected  of  raising  to  use  as  his  office, 
and,  carrying  the  beams  to  Fort  Hill,  burnt 
them  and  the  image  before  Oliver's  house. 
Hutchinson,  who  never  lacked  personal 
courage,  called  on  the  militia  colonel  to 
summon  his  men  and  disperse  the  crowd,  but 
the  colonel  replied  that  his  drummers  were 
in  the  mob.  Hutchinson  then  went  with  the 


Writs  of  Assistance  and  the  Stamp  Act     35 

sheriff  to  order  the  crowd  to  disperse,  but 
was  himself  forced  to  depart  in  order  to 
escape  violence.  The  next  day  Bernard,  the 
governor,  whose  courage  left  him  at  the  very 
thought  of  another  such  night,  fled  to  Castle 


THE  HUTCHINSON  HOUSE 

William,  behind  whose  ancient  walls  he  con 
sidered  himself  safe.  Oliver  hastily  resigned 
his  office,  lest  the  mob  should  visit  him  again. 
The  people  were  not  satisfied  with  the 
conduct  of  Hutchinson,  who,  although  he 
had  actually  opposed  the  passage  of  the 


36  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Stamp  Act,  was  under  suspicion  of  secretly 
abetting  and  profiting  by  it.  After  twelve 
days  there  was  a  second  outbreak ;  the  mob 
began  by  burning  the  records  of  the  vice- 
admiralty  court,  went  on  to  invade  the  house 
of  the  comptroller  of  customs,  and  finally, 
worked  to  the  usual  pitch  of  a  mob's  courage, 
attacked  Hutchinson's  house.  With  his  family 
he  escaped,  but  the  mob  broke  into  the  hand 
some  mansion,  and  sacked  it  thoroughly. 
His  library,  with  priceless  manuscripts  con 
cerning  the  history  of  the  colony,  was  scattered 
in  the  mud  of  the  street. 

This  was  the  most  disgraceful  event  that 
happened  in  Boston  during  all  the  long  period 
preceding  the  Revolution.  It  was  due  to 
popular  feeling,  wrongly  directed ;  and  to 
new  working-men's  organizations,  not  as  yet 
understanding  the  task  that  was  before  them. 
These  organizations,  as  yet  almost  formless, 
and  never  so  important  that  records  were 
kept,  called  themselves  the  Sons  of  Liberty, 
after  a  phrase  used  by  Isaac  Barre,  in  a  speech 
in  Parliament  opposing  the  Stamp  Act.  The 


Writs  of  Assistance  and  the  Stamp  Act     37 

tree  on  which  they  had  hung  the  image  of 
Oliver  was  from  this  time  called  Liberty  Tree. 
The  better  class  of  Boston  citizens  at  once, 
in  a  town  meeting  called  the  following  morn 
ing,  declared  their  "detestation  of  these 
violent  proceedings,"  and  promised  to  sup 
press  them  in  future.  We  shall  see  that  one 
more  such  outbreak,  and  one  only,  was  made 
by  a  Boston  mob.  There  is  here  suggested 
an  unwritten,  perhaps  never  to  be  written, 
chapter  of  the  history  of  this  time.  By 
what  means  did  the  Boston  leaders,  Samuel 
Adams  chief  among  them,  manage  to  control 
the  Boston  workmen  ?  However  it  was  done, 
by  what  conferences  and  through  what  reason 
ing,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  the  loose  organizations 
of  the  Sons  of  Liberty,  and  still  another  set 
of  clubs,  the  caucuses  which  met  in  various 
parts  of  the  town,  were  utilized  to  control  the 
lower  classes.  We  know  the  names  of  a  few 
of  the  leaders  of  the  workmen :  Edes  the 
printer,  Crafts  the  painter,  and,  most  noted 
of  them  all,  Paul  Revere  the  silversmith. 
These  sturdy  men,  and  others  in  different 


38  The  Siege  of  Boston 

trades,  were  the  means  of  transmitting  to 
the  artisans  of  Boston  the  thoughts  and 
desires  of  the  upper-class  Whigs.  The  or 
ganization  was  looser  than  that  of  a  political 
party  of  to-day,  but  as  soon  as  it  was  com 
pleted,  it  produced  a  subordination,  secrecy, 
and  self-control  which  cannot  be  paralleled 
in  modern  times. 

v  The  opposition  to  the  Stamp  Act  con 
tinued.  More  formidable  than  mobs  were 
the  actions  of  the  town  meetings  and  legis 
latures.  Protests  and  declarations  were  sol 
emnly  drawn  up ;  for  the  first  time  was 
heard  the  threat  of  disaffection.  Represent 
atives  from  nine  provinces  met  in  the  Stamp 
Act  Congress,  and  passed  resolutions  against 
the  new  taxation. 

1  It  was  impossible  for  England  to  ignore 
the  situation.  Reluctantly  —  it  was  an  act 
which  the  king  never  forgot  nor  forgave  — 
more  than  a  year  after  its  passage,  when  it 
was  proved  that  its  enforcement  was  im 
possible,  the  Stamp  Act  was  repealed. 

This  was  the  time   for  England  to  change 


Writs  of  Assistance  and  the  Stamp  Act     39 

her  whole  policy.  Not  Boston  alone,  but 
all  America,  had  declared  against  American 
taxation.  The  principles  of  liberty  had  again 
and  again  been  clearly  pointed  out.  Further, 
there  would  have  been  no  disgrace  in  ad 
mitting  a  mistake.  The  whole  colonial 
question  was  new  in  human  history,  for 
Roman  practice  was  inadmissible.  'The 
best  writers  on  public  law,"  reasoned  Otis, 
"contain  nothing  that  is  satisfactory  on  the 
natural  rights  of  colonies.  .  .  .  Their  re 
searches  are  often  but  the  history  of  ancient 
abuses."  1  The  natural  rights  of  man  should 
have  been  allowed  to  rule,  as  in  the  course 
of  time,  with  England's  other  colonies,  they 
came  to  do. 

But,  for  better  or  for  worse,  sides  had  been 
taken.  Few  thought  of  turning  back.  In 
England  there  were  no  breaks  in  the  ranks  of 
the  king's  supporters  ;  in  America  the  office- 
holding  class,  the  "best  families,"  the  people 
of  settled  income  and  vested  rights,  were  as 
a  rule,  selfishly  or  unselfishly,  for  the  king. 

1  Bancroft's  "United  States,"  v,  203. 


4<D  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Already  "mobocracy,"  "the  faction,"  "se^ 
dition,"  were  familiar  terms  among  them. 
England  was  ready  to  take,  and  the  Ameri 
can  Tories  were  ready  to  applaud,  the  next 
step.  And  Boston  was  being  marked  down 
as  the  most  obnoxious  of  the  towns  of  America.1 

1  The  Castle,  or  Castle  William,  referred  to  in  this 
chapter,  was  the  old  fort  on  Castle  Island.  It  was  never 
put  to  any  other  use  than  as  a  barracks  and  magazine. 


CHAPTER   III 

CHARLES    TOWNSHEND,     SAM    ADAMS,    AND    THE 
MASSACRE 

UNFORTUNATELY,  when  the  Stamp 
Act  was  repealed,  the  way  had  been 
left  open  for  future  trouble.  The 
Rockingham  ministry,  the  most  liberal  which 
could  then  be  assembled,  even  in  repealing  the 
Stamp  Act  thought  it  incumbent  upon  them 
to  assert,  in  the  Declaratory  Act,  the  right 
to  tax  America.  The  succeeding  ministry, 
called  together  under  the  failing  Pitt,  was 
the  means  of  reasserting  the  right.  Pitt, 
too  ill  to  support  the  labor  of  leading  his 
party  in  the  Commons,  entered  the  House 
of  Lords  as  Earl  of  Chatham,  thus  acknowl 
edging  the  eclipse  of  fame  and  abilities  which 
in  the  previous  reign  had  astounded  Europe. 
It  was  during  one  of  his  periods  of  illness, 
when  he  was  unable  to  attend  to  public  affairs, 

41 


42  The  Siege  of  Boston 

that  a  subordinate  insubordinately  reversed 
his  public  policy  by  proceeding  once  more 
to  tax  America. 

Charles  Townshend  was  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer.  It  was  he  who  had  urged  the 
reenactment  of  the  Sugar  Act  in  1763,  and 
he  now  saw  opportunity  to  put  through  a 
more  radical  policy.  In  violation  of  all  im 
plied  pledges,  disdaining  restraint  from  his 
colleagues,  this  brilliant  but  unstable  poli 
tician  introduced  into  Parliament  a  new  bill 
for  raising  an  American  revenue.  "I  am 
still,"1  he  declared,  "a  firm  advocate  of  the 
Stamp  Act.  ...  I  laugh  at  the  absurd 
distinction  between  internal  and  external 
taxation.  ...  It  is  a  distinction  without  a 
difference;  if  we  have  a  right  to  impose  the 
one,  we  have  a  right  to  impose  the  other ;  the 
distinction  is  ridiculous  in  the  sight  of  every 
body,  except  the  Americans." 

"Everybody,  except  the  Americans  !  "  The 
phrase,  from  an  important  speech  at  a  criti 
cal  moment,  marks  the  fact  that  a  world  of 

1  Bancroft,  vi,  48. 


The  Massacre  43 

thought  divided  the  two  parts  of  the  Empire 
more  truly  than  did  the  Atlantic.  But  not 
as  yet  so  evidently.  It  is  only  in  uncon 
scious  acknowledgments  such  as  these  that 
we  find  the  English  admitting  the  new  classi 
fication.  In  studying  the  years  before  and 
after  this  event  we  find  the  Americans  often 
called  Puritans  and  Oliverians,  while  the 
possible  rise  of  a  Cromwell  among  them  is 
admitted.  Yet  the  parallel,  though  unmis 
takably  apt,  and  containing  a  serious  warning, 
was  never  taken  to  heart,  even  in  America. 

Americans  were  very  slow  in  approaching 
the  conclusion  that  colonists  had  irrefragable 
rights.  Caution  and  habit  and  pride  in  the 
name  of  Englishman  kept  them  from  it ; 
the  colonist,  visiting  England  for  the  first 
time,  still  proudly  said  that  he  was  going 
"home."  There  was  no  reason  why  this 
feeling  should  ever  change,  if  only  the  spirit  of 
compromise,  the  basis  of  the  British  Consti 
tution,  had  been  kept  in  mind  by  Parliament. 
But  the  times  were  wrong.  Hesitate  as  the 
colonists  might  before  the  syllogism  which 


44  The  Siege  of  Boston 

lay  ready  for  completion,  its  minor  and  major 
premises  were  already  accepted.  That  they 
were  Englishmen,  and  that  Englishmen  had 
inalienable  rights,  were  articles  of  faith  among 
them.  The  conclusion  would  be  drawn  as 
soon  as  they  were  forced  to  it.  And  Town- 
shend  was  preparing  to  force  them. 

Townshend  proposed  small  duties  on  lead, 
paints,  glass,  and  paper.  Besides  this,  he 
withdrew  the  previous  export  duty,  one 
shilling  per  pound,  on  tea  taken  from  Eng 
land  to  America,  and  instead  of  this  he  laid 
an  import  duty  of  threepence  per  pound. 
This  was  ingeniously  new,  being  internal 
taxation  in  a  form  different  from  that  of 
the  Stamp  Act.  At  the  same  time  was 
abandoned  the  ancient  contention  that  cus 
toms  duties  were  but  trade  regulations.  The 
new  taxes  were  obviously  to  raise  an  English 
revenue.  For  the  execution  of  the  new  laws 
provision  was  made  in  each  colony  for  col 
lectors  to  be  paid  directly  by  the  king,  but 
indirectly  by  the  colonies.  The  head  of  these 
collectors  was  a  board  of  Commissioners  of 


The  Massacre  45 

the  Customs,  stationed  at  Boston.  It  will 
be  seen  that  thus  were  begun  new  irritations 
for  the  colonies,  in  the  shape  of  duties  for 
the  benefit  of  England,  and  of  a  corps  of  offi 
cials  whose  dependence  on  the  crown  made 
sure  that  they  would  be  subservient  tools. 

While  this  was  done,  no  change  was  made 
in  the  plan  to  maintain  in  America  an  army 
at  colonial  expense.  Indeed,  New  York  was 
punished  for  refusing  to  supply  to  the  troops 
quartered  in  the  city  supplies  that  had  been 
illegally  demanded.  Its  assembly  was  not 
allowed  to  proceed  with  public  business  until 
the  supplies  should  be  voted.  Thus  every 
other  colony  was  notified  what  to  expect. 

The  Revenue  Acts  were  passed  in  July, 
1767.  Upon  receiving  the  news  the  colonies 
expressed  to  each  other  their  discontent. 
Concerning  the  Customs  Commissioners  Bos 
ton  felt  the  greatest  uneasiness.  "We  shall 
now,"  wrote  Andrew  Eliot,  "be  obliged  to 
maintain  in  luxury  sycophants,  court  para 
sites,  and  hungry  dependents."  The  strong 
est  expression  upon  the  general  situation  was 


46  The  Siege  of  Boston 

in  Dickinson's  "Farmer's  Letters." 1  "This," 
said  he,  "is  an  INNOVATION,  and  a  most 
dangerous  innovation.  We  being  obliged  to 
take  commodities  from  Great  Britain,  special 
duties  upon  their  exportation  to  us  are  as 
much  taxes  as  those  imposed  by  the  Stamp 
Act.  Great  Britain  claims  and  exercises  the 
right  to  prohibit  manufactures  in  America. 
Once  admit  that  she  may  lay  duties  upon  her 
exportations  to  us,  for  the  purpose  of  levying 
money  on  us  only,  she  will  then  have  nothing 
to  do  but  to  lay  those  duties  on  the  articles 
which  she  prohibits  us  to  manufacture,  and 
the  tragedy  of  American  liberty  is  finished." 

There  was  but  one  way  to  meet  the  situation. 
In  October  the  town  of  Boston  resolved, 
through  its  town  meeting,  to  import  none  of  the 
dutiable  articles.  The  example  was  followed 
by  other  towns  until  all  the  colonies  had 
entered,  unofficially,  into  a  non-importation 
agreement.  The  question  arose,  What  further 
should  be  done?  Otis  was  beginning  his  men 
tal  decline.  It  was  now  that  Samuel  Adams, 

1  Farmer's  Letters,  quoted  in  Bancroft,  vi,  105. 


The  Massacre  47 

or  Sam  Adams,  as  Boston  better  loves  to  call 
him,  came  into  the  leadership  which  he  ever 
after  exercised. 

He  was  a  man  of  plain  Boston  ancestry, 
whose  father  had  interested  himself  in  public 
affairs,  and  who,  like  his  son,  was  of  doubtful 
business  ability.  Sam  Adams's  interests  were 
evident  from  his  boyhood,  and  when  in  1743 
he  took  his  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  at  Har 
vard,  he  presented  a  thesis  on  the  subject : 
"Whether  it  be  Lawful  to  resist  the  Supreme 
Magistrate,  if  the  Commonwealth  cannot 
otherwise  be  preserved."  Although  he  in 
herited  a  little  property  from  his  father,  and 
although  from  the  year  1753  he  served  con 
stantly  in  public  offices,  up  to  the  year  1764 
he  had  scarcely  been  a  success.  His  patri 
mony  had  largely  disappeared;  further,  as 
tax-collector  he  stood,  with  his  associates, 
indebted  to  the  town  for  nearly  ten  thousand 
pounds.  The  reason  for  this  is  not  clear; 
the  fact  has  been  used  to  his  disadvantage 
by  Tory  historians,  the  first  of  them  being 
Hutchinson,  who  calls  the  situation  a  "de- 


48  The  Siege  of  Boston 

falcation."  But  in  order  to  feel  sure  that 
the  state  of  affairs  was  justified  by  circum 
stances,  we  need  only  to  consider  that  in 
the  same  year  Adams  was  chosen  by  the 
town  on  the  committee  to  "instruct"  its 
representatives,  and  a  year  later  was  himself 
made  a  legislator.  From  that  time  on,  his 
influence  in  Boston  and  Massachusetts  poli 
tics  steadily  grew. 

His  political  sentiments  were  never  in 
doubt.  In  his  "instructions"  of  1764  are 
found  the  words  :  "If  Taxes  are  laid  upon  us 
in  any  shape  without  our  having  a  legal  rep 
resentative  where  they  are  laid,  are  we  not 
reduced  from  the  Character  of  free  Subjects 
to  the  miserable  State  of  tributary  Slaves  ?"  1 
Throughout  the  Stamp  Act  agitation  he  was 
active  in  opposing  the  new  measures.  He 
was  found  to  be  ready  with  his  tongue,  but 
especially  so  with  his  pen.  For  this  reason 
he  was  constantly  employed  by  the  town  and 
the  Assembly  to  draft  their  resolutions,  and 
some  of  the  most  momentous  documents  of 

1  Hosmer,  "Life  of  Samuel  Adams,"  48. 


The  Massacre  49 

the  period  remain  to  us  in  his  handwriting. 
When  at  last,  at  the  beginning  of  1768, 
some  one  was  needed  to  express  the  opinion 
of  Massachusetts  upon  the  Townshend  Acts, 
Samuel  Adams  was  naturally  looked  to  as 
the  man  for  the  work. 

He  drafted  papers  which  were,  one  after 
the  other,  adopted  by  the  Massachusetts  As 
sembly.  The  first  was  a  letter  of  remon 
strance,  addressed  to  the  colony's  agent  in 
London,  and  intended  to  be  made  public.  It 
protested,  in  words  seven  times  revised  by  the 
Assembly,  against  the  proposed  measures. 
Similar  letters  were  sent  to  members  of  the 
ministry  and  leaders  of  English  opinion.  An 
other  letter  was  addressed  to  the  king.  Of 
the  success  of  this,  Adams  apparently  had 
little  hope,  for  when  his  daughter  remarked 
that  the  paper  might  be  touched  by  the  royal 
hand,  he  replied,  "More  likely  it  will  be 
spurned  by  the  royal  foot."  The  final  one  of 
these  state  papers  was  a  circular  letter  ad 
dressed  to  "each  House  of  Representatives  or 
Burgesses  on  the  continent."  This  expressed 

E 


50  The  Siege  of  Boston 

the  opinion  of  Massachusetts  upon  the  new 
laws,  and  invited  discussion.  That  nothing 
in  this  should  be  considered  underhanded,  a 
copy  of  the  circular  letter  was  sent  to  England. 

It  is  significant  that  at  the  same  time  the 
new  revenue  commission  sent  a  secret  letter 
to  England,  protesting  against  New  England 
town  meetings,  "in  which  the  lowest  me 
chanics  discussed  the  most  important  points 
of  government  with  the  utmost  freedom,"  1  and 
asking  for  troops. 

This  begins  the  series  of  misrepresentations 
and  complaints  which,  constantly  sent  secretly 
to  England,  became  a  leading  cause  of  trouble. 
The  working  of  the  old  colonial  system  is  here 
seen  in  its  perfection.  Believing  in  the  right 
to  tax  and  punish,  the  Ministry  appointed 
officers  of  the  same  belief.  These  men,  find 
ing  themselves  in  hot  water  in  Boston,  were 
annoyed  and  perhaps  truly  alarmed,  and 
constantly  urged  harsher  measures  and  the 
sending  of  troops.  The  ministry,  listening 
to  its  own  supporters,  and  disbelieving  the 

1  Bancroft's  "United  States,"  vi,  128. 


The  Massacre  51 

assertions  of  the  American  Whigs,  more  and 
more  steadily  inclined  toward  severity. 

Perhaps  no  falser  idea  was  created  than 
that  Boston  was  riotous.  Says  Fiske :  "Of 
all  the  misconceptions  of  America  by  Eng 
land  which  brought  about  the  American 
Revolution,  perhaps  this  notion  of  the  tur 
bulence  of  Boston  was  the  most  ludicrous." 
One  of  the  most  serious  also.  The  chief 
cause  was  in  the  timorousness  of  Bernard,  the 
governor.  On  the  occasion  of  the  anniver 
sary  of  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  when,  as 
Hutchinson  said,  "We  had  only  such  a  mob 
as  we  have  long  been  used  to  on  the  Fifth  of 
November,"  Bernard  wrote  that  there  was 
"a  disposition  to  the  utmost  disorder."  As 
a  crowd  reached  his  house,  "There  was  so 
terrible  a  yell  it  was  apprehended  they  were 
breaking  in.  It  was  not  so ;  however,  it 
caused  the  same  terror  as  if  it  had  been  so." 
That  such  a  letter  should  have  any  effect  on 
home  opinion  is,  as  Fiske  says,  ludicrous. 
Yet  the  mischief  caused  by  these  reports  is 
incalculable.  "It  is  the  bare  truth,"  says 


52  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Trevelyan,  "that  his  own  Governors  and 
Lieutenant-Governors  wrote  King  George  out 
of  America."  1 

Another  little  series  of  incidents  at  this 
time  shows  the  official  disposition  to  magnify 
reports  of  trouble.  For  some  weeks  the  ship 
of  war  Romney  had  lain  in  the  harbor,  sum 
moned  by  the  commissioners  of  customs. 
That  the  ship  should  be  summoned  was  in 
itself  an  offence  to  the  town;  but  the  con 
duct  of  the  captain,  in  impressing  seamen  in 
the  streets  of  Boston,  was  worse.  Bad  blood 
arose  between  the  ship's  crew  and  the  long 
shoremen  ;  one  of  the  impressed  men  was 
rescued,  but  the  captain  angrily  refused  to 
accept  a  substitute  for  another.  Trouble 
was  brought  to  a  head  by  the  seizure,  on  the 
order  of  the  commissioners  of  customs,  of 
John  Hancock's  sloop,  the  Liberty,  on  al 
leged  violation  of  regulations.  Irritated  by 
the  seizure,  and  by  the  fact  that  the  sloop 
was  moored  by  the  side  of  the  Romney,  a 
crowd  threatened  the  customs  house  officers, 

1  "American  Revolution,"  Part  I,  43. 


The  Massacre  53 

broke  the  comptroller's  windows,  and,  taking 
a  boat  belonging  to  the  collector,  after  parad 
ing  with  it  through  the  streets,  burnt  it  on  the 
Common. 

This  was  the  second  disturbance  in  Boston 
which  can  be  called  a  riot.  But  it  was  of 
small  size  and  short  duration ;  the  influence 
of  the  Whig  leaders,  working  through  secret 
channels,  quieted  the  mob,  and  there  was 
no  further  trouble.  Nevertheless,  four  of  the 
commissioners  of  the  customs  seized  the  occa 
sion  to  flee  to  the  Romney,  and  to  request  of 
the  governor  protection  in  the  Castle,  declar 
ing  that  they  dared  not  return.  But  the 
remaining  commissioner  remained  undisturbed 
on  shore,  and  a  committee  of  the  council,  ex 
amining  into  the  matter,  found  that  the 
affair  had  been  only  "a  small  disturbance." 
A  committee  from  the  Boston  town  meeting, 
going  in  eleven  chaises  to  Bernard  at  his 
country  seat,  secured  from  him  a  promise  to 
stop  impressments,  and  a  statement  of  his 
desire  for  conciliation.  Nevertheless  Bernard, 
Hutchinson,  and  the  various  officers  of  the 


54  The  Siege  of  Boston 

customs,  used  the  incident  in  their  letters 
home  to  urge  that  troops  were  needed  in 
Boston. 

This  was  but  an  interlude,  though  an  in 
structive  one,  in  the  main  course  of  events. 
Massachusetts  had  protested  against  the  new 
Acts.  The  next  issue  arose  when  the  Assem 
bly  was  directed,  by  the  new  colonial  secre 
tary,  Lord  Hillsborough,  to  rescind  its  Re 
monstrance  and  Circular  Letter.  The  debate 
on  the  question  was  long  and  important ;  the 
demand  was  refused  by  a  vote  of  seventeen 
to  ninety-two.  The  curious  can  still  see,  in 
the  Old  State  House,  the  punch-bowl  that 
Paul  Revere  was  commissioned  to  make  for 
the  "Immortal  Ninety-two;"  and  there  still 
exist  copies  of  Revere's  caricature  of  the 
Rescinders,  with  Timothy  Ruggles  at  their 
head,  being  urged  by  devils  into  the  mouth 
of  hell.  These  are  indications  of  the  feelings 
of  the  times.  The  immediate  result  was  that 
in  June,  1768,  Bernard  dissolved  the  house, 
and  Massachusetts  was  "left  without  a  legis 
lature."  Upon  the  news  reaching  England, 


The  Massacre  55 

it  was  at  last  resolved  to  send  troops  to  Boston. 
The  crisis  in  Massachusetts  was  now  serious. 
Against  the  governor  and  the  expected  troops 
stood  only  the  council,  with  slight  powers. 
Some  machinery  must  be  devised  to  meet  the 
emergency,  and  the  solution  of  the  difficulty 
was  found  by  Samuel  Adams.  His  mind  first 
leaped  to  the  ultimate  remedy  for  all  troubles, 
and  then  found  the  way  out  of  the  present 
difficulty. 

The  ultimate  solution  was  independence. 
Though  in  moments  of  despondency  and  ex 
asperation  the  word  had  been  used  by  both 
parties,  until  now  no  one  had  considered 
independence  possible  except  Samuel  Adams. 
From  this  period  he  worked  for  it,  in  secret 
preparing  men's  minds  for  the  grand  change. 
According  to  a  Tory  accusation  made  in  a 
later  year,  Adams  "confessed  that  the  in 
dependence  of  the  colonies  had  been  the 
great  object  of  his  life ;  that  whenever  he 
met  a  youth  of  parts  he  had  endeavored  to 
instil  such  notions  into  his  mind,  and  had 
neglected  no  opportunity,  either  in  public  or 


56  The  Siege  of  Boston 

in  private,  of  preparing  the  way  for  inde 
pendence."  1 

Another  Tory  source,  a  deposition  gathered 
when  the  Tories  were  preparing  an  accusa 
tion  against  Adams,  shows  the  agitator  at 
work.  During  the  affair  of  the  sloop  Liberty, 
"the  informant  observed  several  parties  of 
men  gathered  in  the  street  at  the  south  end 
of  the  town  of  Boston,  in  the  forenoon  of  the 
day.  The  informant  went  up  to  one  of  the 
parties,  and  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  then  one  of 
the  representatives  of  Boston,  happened  to 
join  the  same  party  near  about  the  same 
time,  trembling  and  in  great  agitation.  .  .  . 
The  informant  heard  the  said  Samuel  Adams 
then  say  to  the  same  party,  'If  you  are  men, 
behave  like  men.  Let  us  take  up  arms  im 
mediately,  and  be  free,  and  seize  all  the 
king's  officers.  We  shall  have  thirty  thou 
sand  freemen  to  join  us  from  the  country." 

The  statement  of  the  deposition  is  crude 
and  overdone,  yet  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  from  this  time  Adams  did  work  for  the 

1  Hosmer's  "Life  of  Adams." 


The  Massacre  57 

one  great  end.  At  first  he  was  alone,  yet  he 
recognized  the  temper  of  the  continent,  and 
saw  the  way  that  the  political  sentiments  of 
the  country  were  tending.  The  methods  which 
he  followed  were  not  always  open ;  for  never 
did  he  avow  his  true  sentiments,  while  often 
protesting,  on  behalf  of  the  town  or  the 
province,  loyalty  to  the  crown.  Doubtless 
he  did  train  the  young  men  up  as  he  saw 
them  inclined.  In  one  case  we  know  that 
he  failed.  "  Samuel  Adams  used  to  tell  me," 
said  John  Coffin,  a  Boston  Tory,  "'  Coffin, 
you  must  not  leave  us  ;  we  shall  have  warm 
work,  and  want  you.'"  1  But  in  other  cases 
Adams  succeeded :  one  by  one  John  Han 
cock,  Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  John  Adams,  and 
Joseph  Warren  were  by  him  brought  into 
prominence.  And  at  the  same  time  he  began 
to  accustom  men's  minds  to  new  methods  of 
political  activity. 

This  Adams  did  in  the  present  difficulty, 
when,  in  default  of  the  Assembly,  he  yet 
needed  an  expression  of  the  opinion  of  the 

lSabine's"  Loyalists." 


58  The  Siege  of  Boston 

province.  Through  his  means  was  called  a 
convention  of  the  towns  of  Massachusetts, 
which  met  in  Faneuil  Hall,  on  the  22d  of 
September,  1768. 

The  convention  was  self-restrained.  It 
called  upon  the  governor  to  convene  the 
Assembly,  and  approved  all  the  acts  which 
had  caused  the  Assembly's  dismissal ;  it  re 
solved  to  preserve  order,  and  quietly  dis 
solved  itself.  "I  doubt,"  said  the  British 
Attorney-General,  "whether  they  have  com 
mitted  an  overt  act  of  treason,  but  I  am  sure 
they  have  come  within  a  hair's  breadth  of  it." 

Immediately  afterwards  arrived  the  ships 
with  troops.  These  were  landed  with  much 
parade,  to  find  a  peaceful  town,  yet  one 
which  from  the  first  was  able  to  annoy  them. 
Demand  was  made  for  quarters  for  the  sol 
diers  ;  the  Selectmen  and  Council  replied  by 
referring  to  the  law  which  forbade  such  a 
requisition  until  the  barracks  at  Castle  Wil 
liam  should  be  filled.  By  neither  subtlety  nor 
threats  could  the  town  be  induced  to  yield ; 
the  troops  camped  on  the  Common  until,  at 


The  Massacre  59 

great  expense,  the  crown  officials  were  forced 
to  hire  quarters.  It  was  but  the  beginning 
of  the  discomfort  of  the  troops,  openly  scorned 
in  a  town  where  three-quarters  of  the  people 
were  against  them.  Where  few  women  except 
their  own  camp-followers  would  have  to  do 
with  the  soldiers,  where  the  men  despised 
them  and  the  boys  jeered,  where  " lobster- 
back"  was  the  mildest  term  that  was  flung 
at  them,  there  was  no  satisfaction  in  wearing 
the  king's  uniform. 

Eighteen  months  of  this  life  wore  upon 
the  soldiers.  The  townsfolk  became  adepts 
at  subtle  irritations,  against  which  there  was 
not  even  the  solace  of  interesting  occupation ; 
for  except  for  daily  drill  there  was  nothing 
to  do.  In  time  the  more  violent  among  the 
troops  were  ripe  for  any  affray ;  wrhile  the 
lower  classes  among  the  inhabitants,  stanch 
Whigs  and  sober  livers,  were  sick  of  the 
noisy  ribaldry  which  for  so  long  had  made 
unpleasant  the  streets  of  the  town.  Out  of 
these  conditions  grew  what  has  been  called 
the  Boston  Massacre. 


60  The  Siege  of  Boston 

The  best  contemporary,  and  in  fact  the 
best  general  authority  for  this  event  is  the 
"Short  Narrative  of  the  Horrid  Massacre  in 
Boston."  This  was  published  by  the  town 
for  circulation  in  England,  and  is  still  extant 
in  Doggett's  reprint  of  1849,  and  in  Kidder's 
of  1870.  In  a  report  of  a  special  committee 
the  town  rehearses  both  the  events  of  the 
Massacre  and  the  proceedings  which  followed 
it.  Seventy-two  pages  of  depositions  are 
appended  to  the  report  of  the  committee  :  no 
other  single  event  of  those  days  is  made  so 
vivid  to  us. 

The  Massacre  was  preceded  by  minor  dis 
turbances.  On  the  second  of  March,  1770, 
insults  having  passed  between  a  soldier  and  a 
ropemaker,  the  former  came  to  the  ropewalk, 
"and  looking  into  one  of  the  windows  said, 
by  God  Fll  have  satisfaction  /  .  .  .  and  at  last 
said  he  was  not  afraid  of  any  one  in  the  rope- 
walks.  I" — thus  deposes  Nicholas  Feriter, 
of  lawful  age,  "stept  out  of  the  window  and 
speedily  knocked  up  his  heels.  On  falling, 
his  coat  flew  open,  and  a  naked  sword  ap- 


The  Massacre  61 

peared,  which  one  John  Willson,  following  me 
out,  took  from  him,  and  brought  into  the 
ropewalks."  The  soldier  returned  a  second 
and  a  third  time,  each  time  with  more  men 
from  his  regiment.  At  the  last  they  were 
"headed  by  a  tall  negro  drummer,  with  a 
cutlass  chained  to  his  body,  with  which,  at 
first  rencounter,"  says  valiant  Nicholas,  "I 
received  a  cut  on  the  head,  but  being  imme 
diately  supported  by  nine  or  ten  more  of  the 
ropemakers,  armed  with  their  wouldring  sticks, 
we  again  beat  them  off." 

For  three  days  there  was,  among  the  two 
regiments  stationed  in  the  town,  anger  which 
the  inhabitants  endeavored  to  allay  by  the 
discharge  of  the  ropemaker  who  gave  the 
original  insult,  and  by  agreements  made  with 
the  commanding  officer,  Colonel  Dalrymple. 
But,  as  afterwards  appeared,  there  were  warn 
ings  of  further  trouble.  Cautions  were  given 
to  friends  of  the  soldiers  not  to  go  on  the 
streets  at  night.  The  soldiers  and  their 
women  could  not  refrain  from  dark  hints  of 
violence  to  come.  It  is  even  possible  that 


62  The  Siege  of  Boston 

violence  was  concerted.  On  the  night  of  the 
fifth  a  number  of  soldiers  assembled  in  At 
kinson  Street.  "They  stood  very  still  until 
the  guns  were  fired  in  King  Street,  then  they 
clapped  their  hands  and  gave  a  cheer,  saying, 
'This  is  all  that  we  want';  they  then  ran 
to  their  barracks  and  came  out  again  in  a 
few  minutes,  all  with  their  arms,  and  ran 
toward  King  Street."  "I  never,"  so  runs 
other  testimony,  "saw  men  or  dogs  so  greedy 
for  their  prey  as  these  soldiers  seemed  to  be." 
But  the  affray  was  of  small  proportions, 
and  soon  over.  The  actual  outbreak  origi 
nated  in  a  quarrel  between  a  barber's  boy 
and  a  sentry,  stationed  in  King  Street  below 
the  east  end  of  the  Town  House.1  Boys  and 
men  gathered,  the  sentry  called  out  the 
guard,  fire-bells  were  rung,  and  the  crowd 
increased.  The  captain  of  the  guard  was  not 
the  man  for  the  emergency.  Said  Henry 
Knox,  afterward  general  and  Secretary  of 
War,  "I  took  Captain  Preston  by  the  coat 

1  King  Street  is  now  State  Street,  and  the  Town 
House  is  the  Old  State  House. 


The  Massacre  63 

and  told  him  for  God's  sake  to  take  his  men 
back  again,  for  if  they  fired  his  life  must 
answer  for  the  consequence ;  he  replied  he 
was  sensible  of  it,  or  knew  what  he  was  about, 
or  words  to  that  purpose ;  and  seemed  in 
great  haste  and  much  agitated."  The  gather 
ing  still  increased,  there  was  crowding  and 
jostling,  snowballs  and  possibly  sticks  were 
thrown ;  the  soldiers  grew  angry  and  the 
officer  uncertain  what  to  do.  "The  soldiers," 
testified  John  Hickling,  "  assumed  different 
postures,  shoving  their  bayonets  frequently 
at  the  people,  one  in  particular  pushing 
against  my  side  swore  he  would  run  me 
through ;  I  laid  hold  of  his  bayonet  and  told 
him  that  nobody  was  going  to  meddle  with 
them.  Not  more  than  ten  seconds  after  this 
I  saw  something  white,  resembling  a  piece  of 
snow  or  ice,  fall  among  the  soldiers,  which 
knocked  the  end  of  a  firelock  to  the  ground. 
At  that  instant  the  word  'Fire  !'  was  given, 
but  by  whom  I  know  not ;  but  concluded  it 
did  not  come  from  the  officer  aforesaid,  as  I 
was  within  a  yard  of  him  and  must  have 


64  The  Siege  of  Boston 

heard  him  had  he  spoken  it,  but  am  satisfied 
said  Preston  did  not  forbid  them  to  fire ;  I 
instantly  leaped  within  the  soldier's  bayonet 
as  I  heard  him  cock  his  gun,  which  that  mo 
ment  went  off.  ...  I,  thinking  there  was 
nothing  but  powder  fired,  stood  still,  till  .  .  . 
I  saw  another  gun  fired,  and  the  man  since 
called  Attucks,  fall.  I  then  withdrew  about 
two  or  three  yards.  .  .  .  During  this  the 
rest  of  the  guns  were  fired,  one  after  another, 
when  I  saw  two  more  fall.  ...  I  further 
declare  that  I  heard  no  other  affront  given 
them  than  the  huzzaing  and  whistling  of 
boys  in  the  street." 

After  the  firing,  other  soldiers  were  sum 
moned  to  the  spot,  and  more  townspeople 
appeared.  The  soldiers,  says  the  official  nar 
rative,  "were  drawn  up  between  the  State 
House  and  main  guard,  their  lines  extended 
across  the  street  and  facing  down  King  Street, 
where  the  town  people  were  assembled.  The 
first  line  kneeled,  and  the  whole  of  the  first 
platoon  presented  their  guns  ready  to  fire,  as 
soon  as  the  word  should  be  given.  .  .  .  For 


The  Massacre  65 

some  time  the  appearance  of  things  were 
dismal.  The  soldiers  outrageous  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  inhabitants  justly  incensed 
against  them  on  the  other :  both  parties 
seemed  disposed  to  come  to  action." 

Had  the  affair  gone  further,  so  that  the 
soldiers  fired  again,  or  the  townspeople  stormed 
the  barracks,  then  the  affray  would  have  re 
sembled  the  riots  not  uncommon  in  Europe 
at  that  time,  and  known  even  in  England. 
In  such  a  case  the  turbulence  of  Boston  might 
have  been  proved.  But  the  good  town  was 
later  able  to  claim  that  up  to  the  actual 
breaking  out  of  hostilities  not  one  soldier  or 
Tory  had  been  harmed  in  Massachusetts.  In 
the  present  case  nothing  further  happened. 
The  stubborn  people  stood  their  ground,  but 
the  eager  troops  were  restrained  and  led 
away.  The  punishment  of  the  offenders  took 
place  according  to  law,  with  John  Adams 
and  Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  leaders  of  the  Whigs, 
as  successful  defenders  of  the  captain. 

The  important  consequences  were  political. 
Though  the  people  dispersed  that  night,  they 


66  The  Siege  of  Boston 

assembled  on  the  morrow  in  a  crowded  town 
meeting,  where  Samuel  Adams  guided  the 
actions  of  the  assembly.  Adjourning  from 
Faneuil  Hall  to  the  Old  South,  which  itself 
could  not  accommodate  them  all,  the  throng 
passed  the  very  spot  of  the  Massacre  and 
under  the  windows  of  the  State  House,  where 
the  lieutenant-governor  viewed  them.  This 
man  was  Hutchinson,  acting  governor  in  the 
absence  of  Bernard,  and  at  last  about  to 
arrive  at  the  goal  of  colonial  ambition. 

Thomas  Hutchinson  has  been  too  much 
condemned,  and  of  late  years  almost  too 
much  commended.  He  had  spent  thirty  years 
in  the  service  of  the  colony,  holding  more 
offices,  and  more  at  the  same  time,  than  any 
man  of  his  generation.  Now  he  was  un 
popular  and  misjudged,  yet  he  was  a  man 
for  his  day  and  party  honest  and  patriotic; 
his  end,  in  exile  in  England,  was  one  of  the 
tragedies  of  American  loyalty.  But  though 
a  braver  man  than  Bernard  and  more  public- 
spirited,  his  methods  were  equally  under 
handed,  and  he  fatally  mistook  the  capacity 


The  Massacre  67 

of  his  countrymen  to  govern  themselves.  A 
man  who  could  wish  for  less  freedom  of 
speech  in  England  was  not  the  man  to  sym 
pathize  with  the  spirit  of  Americans. 

He  now,  backed  by  a  few  councillors  and 
officials,  was  to  face  Sam  Adams  and  the 
Boston  town  meeting.  With  a  committee 
from  the  meeting,  Adams  came  to  the  State 
House  to  demand  the  withdrawal  of  the 
troops  to  the  Castle.  Hutchinson  answered 
that  he  would  withdraw  one  regiment,  but 
had  not  the  power  to  remove  both.  Retiring 
at  the  head  of  his  committee,  Adams  passed 
through  a  lane  of  people  on  his  way  to  the 
Old  South.  "Both  regiments  or  none  !"  he 
said  right  and  left  as  he  passed,  and  every 
one  took  up  the  word.  "Both  regiments  or 
none!"  cried  the  meeting.  Voting  his  re 
port  unsatisfactory,  it  sent  him  back  to  the 
governor  to  repeat  his  demand. 

"Now  for  the  picture,"  wrote  John  Adams 
many  years  after.  "The  theatre  and  the 
scenery  are  the  same  with  those  at  the  dis 
cussion  of  the  writs  of  assistance.  The  same 


68  The  Siege  of  Boston 

glorious  portraits  of  King  Charles  the  Second, 
and  King  James  the  Second,  to  which  might 
be  added,  and  should  be  added,  little  miser 
able  likenesses  of  Governor  Winthrop,  Gov 
ernor  Bradstreet,  Governor  Endicott,  and 
Governor  Belcher,  hung  up  in  obscure  corners 
of  the  room.  Lieutenant-Governor  Hutchin- 
son,  commander-in-chief  in  the  absence  of 
the  governor,  must  be  placed  at  the  head  of 
the  council-table.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Dal- 
rymple,  commander  of  his  majesty's  military 
forces,  taking  rank  of  all  his  majesty's  coun 
cillors,  must  be  seated  by  the  side  of  the 
lieutenant-governor  and  commander-in-chief 
of  the  Province.  Eight-and-twenty  council 
lors  must  be  painted,  all  seated  at  the  council- 
board.  Let  me  see,  —  what  costume  ?  What 
was  the  fashion  of  that  day  in  the  month  of 
March  ?  Large  white  wigs,  English  scarlet- 
cloth  coats,  some  of  them  with  gold-laced 
hats ;  not  on  their  heads  indeed  in  so  august 
a  presence,  but  on  the  table  before  them  or 
under  the  table  beneath  them.  Before  these 
illustrious  persons  appeared  SAMUEL  ADAMS, 


1722  —  SAMUEL  ADAMS — 1803 

By  John  Singleton  Copley 


The  Massacre  69 

a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
and  their  clerk,  now  at  the  head  of  the  com 
mittee  of  the  great  assembly  at  the  Old  South 
Church."  ! 

It  is  this  moment  that  Copley  chose  to 
represent  Adams.  Facing  the  governor,  the 
officers,  and  the  councillors,  Adams  stood  in 
his  simple  "  wine-colored  suit,"  and  appealed 
to  the  charter  and  the  laws.  "If  you  have 
power  to  remove  one  regiment,  you  have 
power  to  remove  both.  It  is  at  your  peril 
if  you  do  not.  The  meeting  is  composed  of 
three  thousand  people.  They  are  become 
very  impatient.  A  thousand  men  are  already 
arrived  from  the  neighborhood,  and  the  coun 
try  is  in  general  motion.  Night  is  approach 
ing;  an  immediate  answer  is  expected."2 

Hutchinson  was  a  man  learned  in  the  his 
tory  of  the  province  and  the  people,  and  the 
occasion  had  impressed  him  already.  As  the 
meeting  had  passed  under  his  windows  on 
the  way  to  the  Old  South,  a  friend  at  his 

1  Hosmer's  "  Samuel  Adams,"  172. 

2  Bancroft,  vi,  344. 


70  The  Siege  of  Boston 

side  had  remarked  that  this  was  not  the  kind 
of  men  that  had  sacked  his  house.  He  had 
noted  the  resolute  countenances  of  the  best 
men  of  the  town,  and  had  —  to  use  his  own 
words  —  judged  their  spirit  to  be  as  strong, 
and  their  resolve  as  high,  as  those  of  the 
men  who  had  imprisoned  Andros.  Adams, 
narrowly  watching  him  now,  marked  the 
tumult  in  Hutchinson's  mind. 

"I  observed  his  knees  to  tremble,"  said 
Adams  afterward;  "I  saw  his  face  grow  pale; 
and  I  enjoyed  the  sight."  r  For  Hutchinson, 
poorly  supported  and  irresolute,  the  strain 
was  too  great.  He  temporized  and  parleyed, 
but  he  thought  again  of  Andros,  and  gave 
way.  It  was  a  complete  triumph  for  the 
town.  The  troops,  until  their  removal  to  the 
Castle  could  be  effected,  were  virtually  im 
prisoned  in  their  barracks  by  a  patrol  of 
citizens.  From  that  time  they  bore  the  name 
of  the  "  Sam  Adams  regiments." 

1  Bancroft,  vi,  345. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE    TEA-PARTY    AND    ITS    CONSEQUENCES 

STEP  by  step  the  mother  country  and  its 
colonies  were  advancing  to  a  rupture. 
The  first  step  was  taken  at  the  test  con 
cerning  the  writs  of  assistance,  the  second  at 
the  passage  of  the  Stamp  Act  and  its  repeal, 
the  third  resulted  in  the  Massacre  and  the 
withdrawal  of  the  troops  from  Boston.  Each 
time  the  colonies  gained  the  practical  ad 
vantages  which  they  sought ;  each  time  the 
king's  party,  while  yielding,  became  more 
exasperated,  and  presently  tested  the  strength 
of  the  colonies  once  more ;  and  each  time  it 
was  Boston  that  stood  as  the  head  and  front 
of  opposition.  The  town  was  marked  for 
martyrdom. 

In  the  case  of  the  Townshend  Acts,  the 
victory  of  the  colonists  was  temporarily  com 
plete.  The  movement  had  come  to  a  head  at 

71 


72  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Boston  in  an  actual  outbreak,  the  Massacre, 
which  obscured  the  greater  issues ;  never 
theless  the  issues  were  won.  America  would 
not  submit  to  the  new  revenue  laws.  Very 
calmly  it  had  avoided  them  by  refusing  to 
import  from  England.  A  thorough  test  of 
nearly  two  years  showed  that  from  north  to 
south  the  colonies  were  almost  a  unit  in  re 
jecting  English  and  foreign  goods,  and  in 
relying  on  home  manufactures.  From  im 
portations  of  more  than  a  million  and  a  quar 
ter  pounds,  two-thirds  fell  clean  away,1  and 
the  merchants  of  England  felt  the  pinch. 
There  was  but  one  thing  to  do,  and  England 
grudgingly  did  it.  The  withdrawal  of  the 
troops  from  Boston  was  acquiesced  in,  and 
the  revenue  acts,  the  cause  of  all  the  trouble, 
were  repealed,  except  for  a  duty  still  main 
tained  upon  tea. 

The  response  was  such  that  England  was 
relieved.  New  York  began  to  import  those 
articles  which  had  been  made  free  of  duty. 
The  non-importation  agreement  was  broken, 

1  Trevelyan,  "American  Revolution,"  Part  I,  104. 


The  Tea-Party  and  its  Consequences     73 

as  the  colonies  perceived.  "You  had  better 
send  us  your  old  liberty  pole,"  wrote  Phila 
delphia  scornfully  to  New  York,  "since  you 
clearly  have  no  further  use  for  it."  1  Whigs  and 
Tories  both  saw  that,  the  agreement  thus 
broken,  other  colonies  would  follow  the  ex 
ample  of  New  York. 

The  advantage  was  now  clearly  with  the 
king,  and  he  endeavored  to  make  the  most 
of  it,  not  by  abiding  in  peace,  but  by  taking 
a  further  step.  He  ordered  that  colonial 
judges  should  in  future  be  paid  from  the  Eng 
lish  treasury.  No  one  in  the  colonies  could 
fail  to  see  that  the  blow  was  aimed  directly  at 
the  independence  of  the  judiciary. 

Massachusetts  was  alarmed.  Boston  sent 
resolutions  to  the  governor,  but  Hutchinson, 
now  at  last  in  the  chair,  refused  to  listen  to 
the  town  meeting.  In  this  moment  of  in 
dignation,  Samuel  Adams  conceived  a  scheme 
which  was  the  longest  step  yet  taken  toward 
independence. 

1  "A  Card  from  the  Inhabitants  of  Philadelphia," 
Bancroft,  vi,  366. 


74  The  Siege  of  Boston 

This  was  the  idea  of  Committees  of  Cor 
respondence,  to  be  permanently  maintained 
by  each  town  and  even  by  each  colony.  The 
idea  of  such  committees  was  not  novel.  It 
had  been  suggested  years  before  by  Jonathan 
Mayhew,  and  had  more  than  once  been  used 
in  emergencies.  But  permanent  committees, 
watching  affairs  and  at  any  time  ready  to  act, 
were  new.  Naturally  composed  of  the  best 
men  in  each  town,  they  would  at  all  times 
be  ready  to  speak,  and  to  speak  vigorously. 
The  plan,  when  perfected,  eventually  enabled 
the  colonies  to  act  as  a  unit.  From  the  first 
it  gave  strength  to  the  Americans ;  in  the 
present  instance  it  spread  the  news  of  the 
king's  action  and  roused  indignation,  and 
before  long  it  brought  about  an  act  which 
startled  the  English-speaking  world. 

This  was  the  Boston  Tea-Party.  The  king 
had  a  hand  in  making  the  fire  hot.  He  had 
been  vexed  by  his  unsuccessful  tariff,  and 
was  now  especially  irritated  that  his  con 
cessions  had  brought  about  no  result  in  one 
important  particular. 


The  Tea-Party  and  its  Consequences     75 

Until  the  present  every  shipmaster  had 
been  a  smuggler,  and  all  the  Whigs  dealt 
in  smuggled  goods.  This  was  according  to 
old  English  practice,  but  as  a  matter  of  fact 
illicit  trade  was  more  decorous  in  America 
than  in  England.  Whereas  in  Cornwall  the 
forces  of  the  smugglers  were  so  strong  that 
they  chased  the  revenue  cutters  into  harbors 
and  landed  their  goods  by  bright  moonlight, 
in  America  the  appearances  of  legality  were 
gravely  preserved. 

Nevertheless  the  result  was  the  same,  and 
in  one  quarter  was  actually  serious.  The 
recent  tariff  had  brought  to  the  royal  treasury 
scarcely  three  hundred  pounds  from  tea.  The 
situation  was  no  better  now  that  the  tea- 
duty  was  the  only  one  remaining.  So  com 
pletely  did  America,  while  still  drinking  tea 
in  quantity,  avoid  the  duly  imported  article, 
that  the  revenue  of  the  East  India  Company 
fell  off  alarmingly.  On  pathetic  representa 
tions  of  the  financial  state  of  the  company, 
the  king  gave  permission,  through  a  subser 
vient  Parliament,  for  the  company  to  export 


76  The  Siege  of  Boston 

tea  to  America  free  even  of  the  English  duty. 
The  company  had  lost  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  pounds  since  the  Townshend  Acts  went  in 
force ;  now  by  favorable  terms  it  was  to  be 
enabled  to  undersell  in  the  colonial  market 
even  the  smuggled  teas.  Taking  advantage 
of  this  new  ruling,  tea  was  promptly  shipped, 
in  the  autumn  of  1773,  to  different  consignees 
in  Boston,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and 
Charleston. 

It  was  confidently  expected  that  the  col 
onies  would  buy  the  tea.  No  one  in  the  gov 
ernment  supposed  that  the  Americans  would 
be  blind  to  their  own  interests.  This  much, 
indeed,  was  admitted  by  the  leaders  among 
the  Whigs,  that  once  the  tea  was  on  sale  Yankee 
principle  might  be  sorely  tempted  by  Yankee 
thrift.  Indignant  at  the  insidious  tempta 
tion,  determined  that  no  such  test  should  be 
made,  and  resenting  the  establishment  of  a 
practical  monopoly  throughout  the  colonies, 
the  leaders  resolved  that  the  tea  should  not 
be  landed. 

It   is   an   odd  fortune  that  connected  the 


The  Tea-Party  and  its  Consequences     77 

Chinese  herb  so  closely  with  the  struggle 
of  principle  in  America.  To  this  day,  while 
the  issues  are  obscured  in  the  mind  of  the 
average  American,  he  remembers  the  tax  on 
tea,  and  that  his  ancestors  would  not  pay 
it.  Picturesque  tales  of  ladies'  associations 
depriving  themselves  of  their  favorite  bev 
erage,  of  men  tarring  and  feathering  un 
popular  tradesmen,  have  survived  the  hundred 
and  thirty  odd  years  which  have  passed  since 
then ;  and  the  impression  is  general  that  the 
colonists  would  not  pay  a  tax  which  bore 
heavy  on  them.  But  it  will  be  noticed  by 
those  who  have  attentively  read  this  account 
that  the  colonists  were  refusing  to  pay 
less,  in  order  that  they  might  have  the 
satisfaction  of  paying  more.  They  balked, 
not  at  the  amount  of  the  tax,  but  at  its 
principle. 

In  the  case  of  the  tea-ships  the  duty  of 
action  fell  upon  Boston.  Charleston  and 
Philadelphia  had  taken  a  positive  stand 
resolving  not  to  receive  the  tea  ;  but  the  ships 
were  due  at  Boston  first.  The  eves  of  the 


78  The  Siege  of  Boston 

continent  were  upon  this  one  town.  Boston 
made  ready  to  act,  yet  of  the  preparations 
we  know  nothing.  While  the  story  as  it  is 
told  is  interesting  enough,  there  is  no  record 
of  the  secret  meetings  in  which  the  events 
were  prepared.  Hints  are  dropped,  and  it 
is  asserted  that  within  the  Green  Dragon 
tavern,  a  favorite  meeting-place  of  the  Whigs, 
were  finally  decided  the  means  by  which  the 
workmen  of  the  town  should  carry  out  the 
plans  of  the  leaders.  But  of  these  meetings 
nothing  is  positively  known ;  all  we  can  say 
with  certainty  is  that  the  plans  worked  per 
fectly,  and  that  Sam  Adams  must  have  had 
a  hand  in  their  making. 

The  Sons  of  Liberty  took  the  first  step 
toward  forcing  the  consignees  of  the  tea  to 
resign.  "Handbills  are  stuck  up,"  writes 
John  Andrews,  "calling  upon  Friends!  Citi 
zens  !  and  Countrymen  ! "  To  Liberty  Tree 
the  "freemen  of  Boston  and  the  neighboring 
towns"  were  invited,  by  placard  and  adver 
tisement,  "to  hear  the  persons,  to  whom  the 
tea  shipped  by  the  East  India  Company  is 


The  Tea-Party  and  its  Consequences     79 

consigned,  make  a  public  resignation  of  their 
office  as  consignees,  upon  oath."  l 

But  the  consignees  did  not  come,  though 
the  freemen  did.  The  townspeople,  forming 
themselves  into  a  "meeting,"  sent  a  com 
mittee  to  the  consignees,  demanding  that 
they  refuse  to  receive  the  tea.  But  the  con 
signees  believed  themselves  safe.  They  were 
merchants  of  family  and  property,  the  gov 
ernor's  sons  were  among  them,  and  it  was 
rumored  that  Hutchinson  had  a  pecuniary 
interest  in  the  success  of  the  venture.  They 
refused  to  give  the  pledge. 

The  official  town  meeting  now  took  up 
the  matter.  Before  the  tea  arrived,  and 
again  after  the  appearance  of  the  first  ship, 
the  town  called  upon  the  consignees  to  resign. 
Each  time  the  consignees  refused.  The  second 
town  meeting,  after  thus  acting  in  vain,  dis 
solved  without  the  customary  expression  of 
opinion.  Hutchinson  himself  records  that 
"this  sudden  dissolution  struck  more  terror 
into  the  consignees  than  the  most  minatory 

1  "Memorial  History  of  Boston,"  iii,  45. 


8o  The  Siege  of  Boston 

resolves."  From  that  moment  the  matter 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  Boston  Committee 
of  Correspondence. 

By  means  of  the  committee,  at  whose 
head  was  Adams,  communication  was  held 
with  the  towns  throughout  Massachusetts. 
The  province  was  greatly  excited,  and  re 
peated  demands  for  resignation  were  made 
upon  the  consignees,  but  they  clung  to  their 
offices  and  the  hope  of  profit.  Delays  were 
skilfully  secured,  and  the  first  ship  was 
entered  at  the  customs,  after  which  accord 
ing  to  law  it  must  within  twenty  days  either 
clear  for  England  or  land  its  cargo.  The 
governor  was  resolved  not  to  grant  a  clear 
ance,  and  rejoiced  over  his  opponents.  "They 
find  themselves,"  he  said,  "in  invincible  diffi 
culties." 

But  everything  was  prepared.  To  the  last 
minute  of  the  twenty  days  the  Whigs  were 
patient.  Petition  after  petition,  appeal  af 
ter  appeal,  went  to  the  governor  or  the  con 
signees.  There  was  no  success.  On  the 
last  day,  the  i6th  of  December,  1773,  all 


The  Tea-Party  and  its  Consequences     81 

three  of  the  tea-ships  were  at  Griffin's  Wharf, 
watched  by  the  patriots.  A  town  meeting, 
the  largest  in  the  history  of  Boston,  crowded 
the  Old  South,  and  again  resolved  that  the 
tea  should  not  be  landed.  "Who  knows," 
asked  John  Rowe,  "how  tea  will  mingle  with 
salt  water  ? >:  The  remark  was  greeted  with 
cheers,  yet  one  more  legal  step  might  be 
taken,  and  the  meeting,  sending  Rotch,  the 
master  of  the  first  tea-ship,  to  the  governor 
at  Milton  to  ask  for  a  clearance,  patiently 
waited  while  he  should  traverse  the  fifteen 
miles  of  his  journey.  During  the  hours  of 
his  absence  there  was  no  disturbance ;  when 
he  returned,  the  daylight  had  gone,  and  the 
Old  South  was  lighted  with  candles.  Seven 
thousand  people  were  silent  to  hear  the  re 
port.  It  was  brief,  and  its  meaning  was 
clear :  the  governor  had  refused ;  the  last 
legal  step  had  been  taken.  Then  Samuel 
Adams  rose. 

'This    meeting,"    he    declared,     "can    do 
nothing  more  to  save  the  country." 

It  was  the  expected  signal.     Immediately 


82  The  Siege  of  Boston 

there  was  a  shout  from  the  porch,  and  the 
warwhoop  sounded  out  of  doors.  The  meeting 
poured  out  of  doors  and  followed  some  fifty 
men  in  the  garb  of  Indians,  who  suddenly 
appeared  in  the  street.  They  hurried  to 
Griffin's  Wharf.  There  they  posted  guards, 
took  possession  of  the  tea-ships,  and  hoisting 
the  chests  from  the  holds,  knocked  them 
open  and  emptied  the  tea  into  the  water. 
Under  the  moon  the  great  crowd  watched 
in  silence,  there  was  no  interference  from  the 
troops  or  the  war-ships,  and  in  three  hours 
the  last  of  the  tea  was  overboard.  Nothing 
remained  except  what  had  sifted  into  the 
shoes  of  some  of  the  "Indians,"  to  be  pre 
served  as  mementoes  of  the  day. 

"They  say,"  wrote  John  Andrews  dryly 
two  days  later,  "that  the  actors  were  Indians 
from  Narragansett.^  Whether  they  were  or 
not,  to  a  transient  observer  they  appear'd 
as  such,  being  cloath'd  in  Blankets  with  the 
heads  muffled,  and  copper  color'd  counte 
nances,  being  each  arm'd  with  a  hatchet  or 
axe,  and  pair  pistols,  nor  was  their  dialect 


The  Tea-Party  and  its  Consequences     83 

different  from  what  I  conceive  these  geniusses 
to  speak,  as  their  jargon  was  unintelligible  to 
all  but  themselves.  Not  the  least  insult  was 
offer'd  to  any  person,  save  one  Captain  Con 
ner,  a  letter  of  horses  in  this  place,  not  many 
years  since  remov'd  from  dear  Ireland,  who 
had  ript  up  the  lining  of  his  coat  and  waist 
coat  under  the  arms,  and  watching  his  op 
portunity  had  nearly  filPd  'em  with  tea, 
but  being  detected,  was  handled  pretty 
roughly.  They  not  only  stripp'd  him  of  his 
cloaths,  but  gave  him  a  coat  of  mud,  with  a 
severe  bruising  into  the  bargain ;  and  noth 
ing  but  their  utter  aversion  to  make  any 
disturbance  prevented  his  being  tar'd  and 
feather'd." 

Such  was  the  Boston  Tea-Party,  "the 
boldest  stroke,"  said  Hutchinson,  "that  had 
yet  been  struck  in  America."  Much  has 
been  written  about  it.  It  has  been  minimized 
into  a  riot,  and  magnified  into  a  deed  of 
glory.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  was  neither 
the  one  nor  the  other,  yet  if  either  it  was 
nearer  the  latter.  Carried  out  by  Boston 


84  The  Siege  of  Boston 

mechanics,  but  doubtless  directed  by  Boston 
leaders,  it  was  a  cool  and  deliberate  law- 
breaking,  the  penalty  for  which,  could  the 
offenders  but  have  been  discovered,  would 
have  been  severe.  But  none  of  the  actors 
in  the  affair  were  betrayed  at  the  time,  though 
hundreds  in  the  town  must  have  had  posi 
tive  knowledge  of  their  identity.  Names, 
like  those  of  the  burners  of  the  Gaspee  eighteen 
months  before,  were  not  given  out  until  after 
the  Revolution,  and  even  to-day  the  list  of 
them  is  not  complete. 

The  project  of  the  king  and  the  East  India 
Company  was  a  failure.  In  one  way  or  other 
the  other  three  seaports  either  destroyed 
or  sent  back  their  tea.  But  Boston  was  the 
first  and  most  violent  offender.  It  was  on 
her  that  punishment  was  to  descend. 

The  news  of  the  Tea-Party  came  to  England 
at  a  time  when  king  and  Parliament  were 
less  amiably  disposed  than  usual  toward 
Massachusetts.  Some  weeks  before  had  hap 
pened  the  affair  of  the  Hutchinson  letters. 
Benjamin  Franklin,  then  Postmaster-General 


The  Tea-Party  and  its  Consequences     85 

of  England,  and  agent  for  Massachusetts, 
had  secured  possession  of  certain  letters  written 
by  Governor  Hutchinson  and  by  others  in 
office  in  the  colony.  These  letters  proved  be 
yond  doubt  that  the  Massachusetts  officials 
had  been  secretly  urging  upon  the  home  gov 
ernment  repressive  measures  against  the  col 
ony.  This  was  but  what  Bernard  had  done, 
and  what  had  been  suspected  of  his  successor ; 
yet  the  actual  proof  was  too  much  for  Frank 
lin.  He  sent  the  letters,  under  pledge  of 
secrecy,  home  to  be  read  by  the  leaders  among 
the  Massachusetts  Whigs.  But  the  pledge 
of  secrecy  could  not  be  kept.  The  letters 
were  read  in  the  Assembly  and  then  published. 
"He  had  written,"  says  Bancroft  of  Hutch 
inson,  "  against  every  part  of  the  Constitution, 
the  elective  character  of  the  Council,  the 
annual  choice  of  the  Assembly,  the  New 
England  organization  of  the  towns ;  had 
advised  and  solicited  the  total  dependence 
of  the  judiciary  on  the  Crown,  had  hinted  at 
making  the  experiment  of  declaring  Martial 
Law,  and  of  abrogating  English  liberty ;  had 


86  The  Siege  of  Boston 

advised  to  the  restraint  of  the  commerce  of 
Boston  and  the  exclusion  of  the  Province 
from  the  fisheries." 1  Hutchinson's  defence 
was  that  he  "had  never  wrote  any  public 
or  private  letter  that  tends  to  subvert  the 
Constitution."  But  he  was  thinking  of  the 
Constitution  rather  than  the  Charter.  The 
province  was  thoroughly  roused,  and  sent  to 
England  a  firm  yet  respectful  petition  de 
manding  his  dismissal. 

But  Hutchinson  had  been  serving  the 
king  as  the  king  wished  to  be  served.  The 
wrath  of  the  government  fell  upon  Franklin. 
In  a  crowded  meeting  of  the  Privy  Council, 
with  scant  respect  for  the  forms  of  law, 
Franklin  was  subjected  to  elaborate  abuse. 
There  were  none  to  defend  him  who  could 
gain  a  respectful  hearing ;  he  stood  immovable 
under  the  tongue-lashing  of  the  Solicitor- 
General,  and  made  no  reply.  "I  have  never," 
he  said  afterwards,  "been  so  sensible  of  the 
power  of  a  good  conscience,  for  if  I  had  not 
considered  the  thing  for  which  I  have  been 

1  Bancroft,  vi,  461,  462. 


The  Tea-Party  and  its  Consequences     87 

so  much  insulted,  as  one  of  the  best  actions 
of  my  life,  and  what  I  should  certainly  do 
again  in  the  same  circumstances,  I  could 
not  have  supported  it."  The  suit  which  he 
wore  that  day  he  put  carefully  away,  and 
did  not  wear  it  again  until  as  Commissioner 
for  the  United  States  he  signed  in  Paris  the 
treaty  of  alliance  with  France. 

Franklin  was  deprived  of  his  office  under 
the  crown,  and  the  king  who  directed  the 
punishment,  the  council  who  condemned  him, 
and  the  Parliament  which  cheered  them  both 
on,  were  not  yet  satisfied.  When  the  news  of 
the  Tea-Party  came,  they  felt  that  their  chance 
had  come  to  strike  at  the  real  culprit.  The 
king  consulted  General  Gage,  who  was  fresh 
from  Boston,  and  listened  eagerly  to  his 
fatally  mistaken  account  of  the  situation. 
"He  says,"  wrote  the  king  to  Lord  North, 
"  'They  will  be  lions  while  we  are  lambs ; 
but  if  we  take  the  resolute  part  they  will 
undoubtedly  prove  very  meek.'  Four  regi 
ments  sent  to  Boston  will,  he  thinks,  be 

1  Bancroft,  vi,  498. 


88  The  Siege  of  Boston 

sufficient  to  prevent  any  disturbance."  l  On 
such  a  basis  the  king  and  his  prime  minister 
planned  the  laws  which  should  punish  the 
town  of  Boston. 

The  first  act  was  the  Boston  Port  Bill.  It 
closed  the  port  to  all  commerce  until  the 
East  India  Company  should  be  paid  for  its 
tea,  and  the  king  satisfied  that  the  town  was 
repentant.  Nothing  except  food  and  fuel 
was  to  be  brought  to  the  town  in  boats  ;  in 
fact,  as  Lord  North  promised  the  Commons, 
Boston  was  to  be  removed  seventeen  miles 
from  the  ocean.  For  Salem  was  made  the 
port  of  entry,  and  there  the  governor  and 
the  collector,  the  surveyor  and  the  comp 
troller,  and  all  underlings  were  to  go.  It 
was  planned  to  station  war-ships  in  Boston 
Harbor  to  enforce  the  law. 

The  second  law  was  the  "Bill  for  the  better 
Regulating  the  Government  of  the  Massachu 
setts  Bay,"  generally  called  the  Regulating 
Act.  This  virtually  swept  away  the  charter 
of  Massachusetts.  It  provided  first  that  the 

1  Avery,  "History  of  the  United  States,"  v,  190. 


The  Tea-Party  and  its  Consequences     89 

Council  was  to  be  appointed  by  the  king, 
and  next  that  without  the  consent  of  the 
Council  the  governor  might  appoint  or  re 
move  all  officers  of  justice,  from  judges  to 
constables.  By  the  provisions  of  the  law  even 
the  jury  lists  could  be  controlled  by  appointive 
officers.  Finally  town  meetings  were  made 
illegal  throughout  the  province,  except  for 
the  election  of  town  officers,  and  other  nec 
essary  local  business. 

The  third  proposal  of  the  government  was 
a  bill  "for  the  Impartial  Administration  of 
Justice,"  in  proposing  which  "  it  was  observed 
that  Lord  North  trembled  and  faultered  at 
every  word  of  his  motion."  It  provided  that 
magistrates,  officers,  or  soldiers  might  be  tried 
for  "murder,  or  any  other  capital  offence,"  in 
Great  Britain. 

The  fourth  act  made  provision  for  quarter 
ing  troops  in  Boston. 

The  bills  went  through  Parliament  without 
much  opposition.  Says  Trevelyan,  "Even 
after  the  lapse  of  a  century  and  a  quarter  the 
debates  are  not  pleasant  reading  for  an  Eng- 


90  The  Siege  of  Boston 

lishman."  *  It  was  assumed  that  the  punish 
ment  was  just,  and  that  not  only  Boston  but 
also  the  whole  continent  would  take  it  meekly. 
A  few  voices  were  raised  in  protest,  but  as  a 
rule  even  the  Opposition  was  silent.  One  by 
one  the  bills  became  law.  One  more  step 
was  taken  toward  separation. 

1U  American  Revolution,"  Part  I,  181. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE    OCCUPATION    OF    BOSTON 

EARLY  in  May  of  1774  Hutchinson, 
ostensibly  called  to  England  to  advise 
the  king,  gave  up  his  offices  in  Massa 
chusetts.  His  exile  was  approaching.  Never 
again  was  he  to  see  the  fair  hill  of  Milton, 
nor  to  look  from  its  top  upon  the  town  and 
harbor  that  he  loved.  The  Whigs  exulted 
over  the  fall  of  "the  damn'd  arch  traitor;" 
yet  surely,  though  as  an  official  he  failed  in 
his  task,  and  as  a  patriot  misread  the  temper 
and  the  capacity  of  his  countrymen,  he  com 
mands  our  pity.  Amid  the  booming  of  the 
cannon  which  welcomed  his  successor  he  pre 
pared  for  his  departure.  Except  for  his  pa 
thetic  letters  and  journals  he  made  no  further 
mark  upon  his  times  or  ours.  His  Milton 
estate  remains,  but  his  house  is  gone,  and 
the  very  street  that  he  lived  on  bears 

91 


92  The  Siege  of  Boston 

the    name    of    Adams,    his    most    persistent 
enemy. 

Hutchinson's  successor  was  Thomas  Gage, 
the  first  governor  sent  to  Boston  with  an 
army  at  his  back.  He  was  well  known  in 
the  colonies,  for  he  had  fought  well  at  Brad- 
dock's  defeat,  had  married  an  American  wife, 
and  was  courteous  and  affable.  It  remained 
to  be  seen  whether  one  of  his  hesitating  tem 
perament  could  meet  the  situation.  With 
four  regiments  he  had  undertaken  to  pacify 
Massachusetts.  He  had  his  four  regiments 
and  more,  yet  he  must  occasionally  have 
wondered  why  he  found  no  more  signs  of 
weakness  in  the  ranks  of  his  opponents. 

At  this  time  there  were  in  Boston  four 
chief  classes  of  Whigs.  The  first  were  the 
ministers,  and  these  for  many  years  had  been 
American  to  the  core.  As  the  first  settlers 
of  Massachusetts,  whether  Puritan  or  Pilgrim, 
had  fled  away  from  prelacy,  so  their  spiritual 
descendants  still  hated  the  name  of  bishop. 
In  fact,  episcopacy  in  New  England  was  still 
weak,  and  its  greater  part  was  concentrated 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  93 

in  Boston  itself.  Some  few  of  its  ministers 
preached  submission ;  but  they  either  had  to 
content  themselves  with  Tory  congregations, 
or  lost  their  pulpits,  or  had  them  boarded  up 
against  them.  The  wiser  part  was  taken  by 
most  in  avoiding  politics.  The  sole  Congre 
gational  minister  who  supported  the  king  was 
Mather  Byles,  famed  for  his  witticisms,  and 
he  likewise  declined  to  bring  into  the  pulpit 
any  mention  of  the  affairs  of  the  day.  "In 
the  first  place,"  he  told  those  who  demanded 
an  expression  of  his  opinion,  "I  do  not  under 
stand  politics ;  in  the  second  place  you  all 
do,  every  man  and  mother's  son  of  you ;  in 
the  third  place  you  have  politics  all  the  week, 
so  pray  let  one  day  in  the  seven  be  devoted 
to  religion ;  in  the  fourth  place  I  am  engaged 
in  work  of  infinitely  greater  importance. 
Give  me  any  subject  to  preach  on  of  more 
consequence  than  the  truth  I  bring  to  you, 
and  I  will  preach  on  it  next  Sabbath."  l 

Gage's  support  from  the  pulpit  was  there 
fore  weak,  while  at  the  same  time  the  oppo- 

1  Sabine's  "  Loyalists,"  190. 


94  The  Siege  of  Boston 

sition  from  the  same  source  was  strong. 
Those  country  ministers  who  were  of  the 
political  creed  of  Sam  Adams  confessed  it 
each  Sabbath,  and  desisted  not  on  week  days 
from  strengthening  the  wills  of  their  congre 
gations.  More  than  that,  like  their  prede 
cessors  in  older  times,  many  held  chaplain 
cies  in  the  militia,  and  on  training  days  turned 
out,  not  only  to  approve  by  their  presence  the 
object  of  the  drill,  but  also  to  stir  the  spirit 
of  the  homespun  soldiery  by  prayers  to  the 
God  of  Moses,  and  of  Joshua,  and  of  David. 
Those  in  Boston,  under  the  very  nose  of  the 
general  and  in  the  presence  of  his  soldiery, 
abated  nothing  of  their  zeal,  but  preached 
resistance  as  before.  Gage,  as  he  looked 
among  them  for  signs  of  wavering,  could 
have  found  very  little  comfort. 

The  lawyers  next,  like  the  clergymen,  had 
supplied  the  Whigs  much  of  their  strength. 
Surely,  up  to  the  present  the  patriot  party 
had  been  distinguished  by  pliancy  and  per 
sistence.  These  characteristics  had  come  from 
the  lawyers,  whose  rejoinders  and  remon- 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  95 

strances,  petitions,  resolves,  and  appeals  were 
familiar  professional  devices.  Yet  Gage  might 
have  found  hope  in  these  men.  For  the  pur 
pose  of  all  their  delays  had  been  compromise, 
and  their  hope  was  the  avoidance  of  blood 
shed.  The  lawyers  had  showed,  too,  a  love 
of  fair  play ;  for  while  they  pressed  the  Tories 
hard,  they  had  also  taken  the  lead  in  protest 
ing  against  mob  violence.  Again,  leading 
Whig  lawyers  had  defended  —  and  acquitted 
-  the  perpetrators  of  the  Massacre.  Possi 
bly  such  men  might  be  made  to  see  reason. 

A  more  numerous  class  than  the  lawyers 
was  made  up  of  the  merchants,  small  and 
large.  Some  few  of  these  men  had  made 
their  own  way  in  the  world,  yet  most  of  them 
may  almost  have  been  said  to  have  held 
hereditary  positions  in  the  provincial  aristoc 
racy.  By  far  the  larger  number  of  them 
were  Whigs,  some  of  considerable  estate, 
others  —  like  that  John  Andrews  from  whose 
letters  I  have  already  quoted  and  shall  quote 
more  —  were  men  of  moderate  means, 
shrewdly  working  for  a  "  competency."  Gage, 


96  The  Siege  of  Boston 

looking  forward  to  the  enforcement  of  the 
Port  Bill,  could  see  that  these  men  would  be 
hard  hit.  While  they  had  so  far  been  firm 
in  the  colonial  cause,  the  coming  temptation 
to  desert  their  party  would  be  very  strong. 
Income,  security,  and  the  favor  of  the  king 
awaited  them. 

At  the  end  of  this  series  was  the  largest 
class  of  all,  the  mechanics.  Until  now  these 
men  had  been  eager  in  their  demonstrations 
against  technical  oppression  —  which  yet  was 
technical  after  all.  No  Boston  Whig  had 
ever  known  a  tithe  of  the  wrongs  of  the 
French  peasant  or  the  Russian  serf.  No 
laboring  class  on  earth  enjoyed  or  ever  had 
enjoyed  greater  freedom  or  less  hampered 
prosperity.  But  with  the  enforcement  of  the 
Port  Bill  all  this  would  change.  Gage  hoped, 
and  the  Tories  declared,  that  the  mechanics, 
so  soon  as  pressure  was  applied,  would  "fall 
away  from  the  faction." 

The  first  results  of  the  new  regime  were 
not  promising.  To  begin  with,  on  the  news 
of  the  passage  of  the  Port  Bill  the  Committee 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  97 

of  Correspondence  of  Boston  called  a  meeting 
of  the  committees  of  the  neighboring  towns. 
This  meeting  scouted  the  idea  of  paying  for 
the  tea,  and  in  a  circular  letter  to  the  other 
colonies  proposed  a  general  cessation  of  trade 
with  Great  Britain.  Similarly  the  town  meet 
ing  of  Boston  discussed  the  situation,  pro 
nounced  against  the  Port  Bill,  and  appealed 
to  all  the  sister  colonies,  entreating  not  to  be 
left  to  suffer  alone.  In  more  homely  language 
the  merchants  appealed  to  their  friends. 
"Yes,  Bill,"  wrote  John  Andrews  to  his 
brother-in-law  in  Philadelphia,  "  nothing  will 
save  us  but  an  entire  stoppage  of  trade,  both 
to  England  and  the  West  Indies.  .  .  .  The 
least  hesitancy  on  your  part  to  the  Southerd, 
and  the  matter  is  over." 

There  was  little  hesitancy.  The  suggestion 
made  by  the  Boston  Whigs  was  taken  up,  and 
the  maritime  towns,  which  had  been  expected 
to  take  advantage  of  Boston's  predicament, 
began  to  discontinue  trade,  not  merely  with 
Great  Britain,  but  also  with  the  West  Indies. 
Then  Salem,  which  was  to  be  the  capital  in 


98  The  Siege  of  Boston 

place  of  Boston,  formally  repudiated  the  idea 
of  profiting  by  the  situation.  The  news 
spread  to  the  other  colonies,  and  they  began 
to  act.  New  York  proposed,  and  the  sister 
provinces  agreed  in,  a  call  for  "a  general 
Congress."  In  less  than  a  month  after  the 
coming  of  the  news  of  the  Port  Bill,  Boston 
was  assured  that  the  continent  would  not 
leave  her  to  suffer  alone.  i 

But  then,  on  the  first  of  June,  1774,  the 
Port  Bill  went  into  effect.  So  literally  was 
it  interpreted,  that  all  carriage  by  boat  in  the 
harbor  was  forbidden.  No  owner  of  a  pas 
ture  on  the  harbor  islands  might  bring  his 
hay  to  the  town ;  no  goods  might  be  brought 
across  any  ferry;  not  even  carriage  by  water 
from  wharf  to  wharf  in  the  town  was  allowed. 
Further,  while  food  and  fuel,  according  to  the 
provisions  of  the  act,  might  be  brought  to 
Boston  by  water,  all  vessels  carrying  them 
were  forced  to  go  through  troublesome  formal 
ities.  They  must  report  at  the  customs  in 
Salem,  unload,  load  again,  and  receive  a 
clearance  for  Boston.  Returning,  they  might 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  99 

carry  enough  provision  to  last  them  only  to 
Salem.  Besides  all  this,  the  Commissioners 
of  Customs  at  Salem  undertook  to  decide 
when  Boston  had  enough  provisions.  The 
blockade,  as  enforced  by  them  and  the  ships 
of  war  in  Boston  Harbor,  was  minutely  com 
plete  and  vexatious. 

Yet  at  their  mildest  its  provisions  were 
complete  enough.  Trade  by  sea  with  the 
town  was  stopped.  Consequently,  so  mari 
time  were  the  town's  activities,  prosperity 
was  instantly  checked.  All  the  workers  im 
mediately  dependent  on  the  sea  for  a  living, 
sailors,  wharfingers,  longshoremen,  and  fisher 
men,  were  at  once  thrown  out  of  employ 
ment.  Then  by  a  severe  interpretation  of 
the  act  all  ship-building  was  stopped,  since  the 
authorities  declared  that,  on  launching,  any 
boat  would  be  confiscated.  The  shipyards 
shut  down,  the  boats  ready  to  launch  were 
filled  with  water  "for  their  preservation," 
and  ship-carpenters,  calkers,  rope-makers, 
and  sailmakers  were  thrown  out  of  work. 

1  Andrews  Letters. 


ioo  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Much  misery  to  the  unemployed  would  have 
been  the  result  but  for  the  forethought  of 
the  patriot  leaders. 

These  men,  early  realizing  the  threatened 
hardship,  called  for  help  from  the  rest  of  the 
country.  The  response  was  prompt.  "A 
special  chronicle,"  says  Bancroft,  "could 
hardly  enumerate  all  the  generous  deeds." 
While  Lord  North,  fresh  from  an  interview 
with  Hutchinson,  cheered  the  king  with  the 
belief  that  the  province  would  soon  submit, 
South  Carolina  was  sending  a  cargo  of  pro 
visions  in  a  vessel  offered  for  the  purpose  by 
the  owner,  and  sailed  without  wages  by  the 
captain  and  her  crew.  Sheep  were  driven 
into  Boston  from  all  New  England ;  provi 
sions  of  every  kind  were  brought  in ;  wheat 
was  sent  by  the  French  in  Quebec ;  money 
was  subscribed  and  sent  from  the  more  distant 
points.  All  supplies  thus  received  were  put 
in  the  hands  of  a  donation  committee,  who 
distributed  the  gifts  to  the  needy. 

Yet  in  spite  of  such  relief  as  this,  and 
though  for  a  short  time  employment  was 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  101 

given  to  workmen  by  permitting  them  to 
finish,  launch,  rig,  and  send  away  the  ships 
then  on  the  stocks,  the  situation  was  hard  at 
best.  It  was  felt  not  only  by  the  lower 
classes,  but  by  the  merchants,  whose  profits 
ceased,  and  by  all  who  depended  for  their 
income  on  the  current  trade  and  activity  of 
the  town.  Gossipy  John  Andrews  gives  us 
the  situation  as  it  affected  him.  "If  you'll 
believe  me  (though  I  have  got  near  two 
thousand  sterling  out  in  debts  and  about  as 
much  more  in  stock),  I  have  not  received 
above  eighty  or  ninety  pounds  Lawful  money 
from  both  resources  for  above  two  months 
past ;  though  previous  to  the  port's  being 
shut,  I  thought  it  an  ordinary  day's  work  if 
I  did  not  carry  home  from  twenty  to  forty 
dollars  every  evening."  So  little  ready  money 
circulated  in  the  town  "that  really,  Bill,  I 
think  myself  well  off  to  satisfy  the  necessary 
demands  of  my  family,  and  you  may  as  well 
ask  a  man  for  the  teeth  out  of  his  head  as  to 
request  the  payment  of  money  that  he  owes 
you  (either  in  town  or  country,  for  we  are 


IO2  The  Siege  of  Boston 

alike  affected),  for  you'll  be  as  likely  to  get 
the  one  as  the  other."  1 

Now  was,  indeed,  the  time  to  discover  the 
weak  points  in  the  cause  and  organization  of 
the  Americans.  Even  strong  Whigs  were  at 
times  discontented,  and  chiefly  among  the 
middle  class,  without  whom  the  leaders  could 
have  no  strong  support.  Much  of  the  distress 
of  the  shopkeepers  and  merchants  came  from 
the  "Solemn  League  and  Covenant"  which, 
proposed  on  the  first  news  of  the  Port  Bill, 
was  now  in  actual  operation.  Andrews's  case 
must  have  been  typical  of  many.  He  had 
countermanded  all  goods  on  the  news  of  the 
Port  Bill,  and  acquiesced  in  the  non-importa 
tion  agreement:  "but  upon  y?  measure  not 
being  adopted  by  the  Southern  Colonies,  I 
embraced  the  first  opportunity  and  re-ordered 
about  one-fourth  part  of  such  goods  as  I 
thought  would  be  in  most  demand,  and  be- 

1  The  Andrews  Letters,  as  already  noted,  are  in  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Proceedings  for 
the  volume  of  1864-1865.  I  shall  refer  to  them  fre 
quently  without  quoting  pages. 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  103 

hold !  in  about  three  or  four  weeks  after 
that,  I  heard  of  y?  amazing  progress  the  non- 
consumption  agreement  had  made  through 
y?  country ;  which,  in  my  opinion,  has 
serv'd  rather  to  create  dissensions  among 
ourselves  than  to  answer  any  valuable 
purpose." 

Many  of  the  Tories  held  the  same  opinion. 
Could  not  the  waverers,  they  asked  Gage,  be 
induced  to  change  their  political  faith,  and 
especially  could  not  the  leaders  be  tempted  ? 

Among  these  leaders  the  influence  of  Otis 
was  waning.  He  had  always  been  eccentric 
and  unreliable,  and  now  his  intellect  was 
threatened.  An  assault  upon  him  had  nearly 
ruined  both  his  health  and  his  reason.  But 
his  place  had  been  taken  by  others.  Samuel 
Adams,  John  Adams,  Joseph  Warren,  and 
John  Hancock  were  the  men  whose  names 
were  oftenest  mentioned.  Sinister  rumors 
were  frequent  that  Gage  had  been  directed 
to  seize  them  and  deport  them  to  England. 
Whether  or  not  more  evidence  against  them 
was  needed,  no  arrest  was  as  yet  attempted. 


104  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Instead,  in  at  least  three  quarters  there  was 
some  hope  of  corruption. 

Warren  the  general  left  untempted ;  it  is 
no  small  tribute  to  the  patriot's  character 
that  there  could  be  no  doubt  of  his  integrity. 
Warren  was  not  yet  thirty-five  years  old, 
was  of  good  social  position,  had  an  excellent 
practice  and  an  assured  future.  His  tempera 
ment  was  frank  and  manly,  and  so  enthusias 
tic  as  to  be  fiery.  Once  already,  on  the 
anniversary  of  the  Massacre  in  1772,  he  had 
addressed  the  town  meeting  in  condemnation 
of  the  government  measures ;  on  many  other 
opportunities,  before  and  since,  he  had  either 
spoken  in  public  or  expressed  his  opinions 
through  the  press.  While  no  advocate  of 
violence,  he  was  unreservedly  a  Whig,  and 
nothing  could  be  made  of  him.  So  far  as  is 
known,  no  attempt  was  made  to  corrupt  him. 

The  case  of  John  Adams  was  different, 
at  least  to  Tory  eyes.  He  was  ambitious : 
no  one  who  knew  him  could  doubt  that  he 
was  conscious  of  his  own  ability.  Further, 
he  was  poor,  with  a  growing  family  to  support ; 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  105 

he  was  known,  with  the  troubled  times  which 
he  clearly  foresaw,  to  be  anxious  for  his 
children's  future.  Surely  there  was  a  pos 
sibility  that  Adams  might  be  wise,  and  be 
tempted  to  the  safer  course ;  and  fortunately 
there  was  at  hand  an  instrument  to  induce 
him  to  become  a  Tory.  Adams  was  the  close 
personal  friend  of  Jonathan  Sewall,  the  king's 
attorney-general  for  the  province,  and  an 
admirable  character.  The  chance  of  dis 
tinction,  the  certainty  of  prosperity,  and 
the  importunities  of  such  a  friend,  might  in 
the  end  persuade  Adams. 

Of  John  Hancock  it  was  often  argued  among 
the  Tories  that  he  might  almost  be  left 
to  himself.  If  Adams  was  ambitious,  Han 
cock  was  more  so ;  known  to  be  vain,  he  was 
believed  to  be  jealous  by  nature.  With  these 
weaknesses,  he  was  also  instinctively  an  aris 
tocrat.  How  long,  asked  the  Tories,  would 
he  continue  to  consort  with  men  of  low 
social  position  ?  How  soon  would  he  rebel 
at  being  led  by  the  nose  by  the  wily  Adams  ? 
Position  and  influence  were  ready  for  him  as 


106  The  Siege  of  Boston 

soon  as  he  chose  to  go  over  to  the  king.  The 
bait  was  always  plain,  and  he  might  be 
counted  on  eventually  to  take  it. 

Even  Samuel  Adams,  so  reasoned  the  ad 
visers  of  Gage,  might  be  bought.  For  Adams 
was  poor.  In  his  devotion  to  public  affairs 
he  had  let  his  business  go  to  ruin,  had  seen  his 
money  melt  away,  had  even  sold  off  parts  of 
his  own  house-lot.  His  sentiments  were  no 
better  known  in  Boston  than  his  threadbare 
clothes.  His  sole  income  was  from  his  salary 
as  clerk  of  the  house  of  representatives,  only 
a  hundred  pounds  a  year.  To  the  new  gov 
ernor  it  was  the  most  natural  thing  in  the 
world  to  suppose  that  the  discontent  of  such 
a  man  could  soon  be  removed.  He  forgot 
Hutchinson's  words  :  "  Such  is  the  obstinacy 
and  inflexible  disposition  of  the  man,  that 
he  never  would  be  conciliated  by  any  office 
or  gift  whatever."  1 

Gage  sent,  therefore,  Colonel  Fenton  to 
Adams  with  offers  which  would  tempt  any 
man  that  had  a  price.  No  definite  knowl- 

1  Wells,  "Life  of  Adams,"  ii,  193. 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  107 

edge  of  the  inducements  has  come  down  to 
us :  money,  place,  possibly  even  a  patent  of 
nobility.  We  know,  however,  that  they  were 
coupled  with  a  threat  in  the  form  of  advice 
to  make  his  peace  with  the  king.  And  we 
can  imagine  Adams  as,  rising  from  his 
seat,  and  standing  with  the  habitual  nervous 
tremor  of  head  and  hands  which  often  led 
his  adversaries  to  mistake  his  mettle,  he 
delivered  his  fearless  reply. 

"Sir,  I  trust  I  have  long  since  made  my 
peace  with  the  King  of  kings.  No  personal 
consideration  shall  induce  me  to  abandon 
the  righteous  cause  of  my  country.  Tell 
Governor  Gage  that  it  is  the  advice  of  Samuel 
Adams  to  him  no  longer  to  insult  the  feelings 
of  an  exasperated  people  !  " 1 
'  And  this  was  in  the  face  of  a  situation  the 
like  of  which  had  never  been  known  in 
America.  " Notwithstanding  which,"  wrote 
John  Andrews,  "there  seems  to  be  ease, 
contentment,  and  perfect  composure  in  the 
countenance  of  almost  every  person  you 

1  Wells,  "Adams/Mi,  193. 


io8  The  Siege  of  Boston 

meet  in  the  streets,  which  conduct  very  much 
perplexes  the  Governor  and  others,  our  lords 
and  masters,  that  they  are  greatly  puzzled, 
and  know  not  what  to  do  or  how  to  act,  as 
they  expected  very  different  behaviour  from 


us.'3 


There  is  but  one  explanation  of  such  a 
state  of  mind  in  the  Whigs,  in  the  face  of 
the  evidently  approaching  trial.  Their  con 
sciences  were  clear.  This  revolution,  when 
finally  it  came  about,  was  quite  within  the 
spirit  of  the  British  Constitution.  The  Whigs 
believed  they  were  right,  and  had  no  fear 
of  the  consequences.  No  testimony  to  their 
virtues,  as  the  backbone  of  a  new  nation, 
will  speak  louder  than  their  present  attitude. 
External  testimony  is  not  hard  to  quote. 
"The  people  of  Boston  and  Massachusetts 
Bay,"  wrote  Thomas  Hollis  but  a  few  weeks 
before  this  time,  "are,  I  suppose,  take  them 
as  a  body,  the  soberest,  most  knowing,  vir 
tuous  people  at  this  time  upon  earth."  Other 
English  opinion  to  the  same  effect,  and  French 
admiration  by  the  chapter,  might  be  quoted. 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  109 

Yet  a  truer  proof  of  the  quality  of  the  people 
is  to  be  found  in  the  calm  self-confidence 
which  "very  much  perplexed"  the  governor. 

One  more  comment  may  safely  be  ventured 
here.  Before  two  years  were  over  it  was 
known  that  Gage,  and  perhaps  even  Hutch- 
inson  during  his  administration,  had  had 
the  most  complete  information  of  the  secret 
doings  of  the  Whig  leaders.  In  fact,  even 
the  deliberations  of  the  workmen's  caucuses 
must  have  been  known  to  Gage.  That  no 
arrests  were  made  can  mean  but  one  thing  : 
that  the  Whigs  were  honest  in  their  endeavor 
to  work  their  ends  by  legal  means.  Samuel 
Adams  may  have  foreseen  the  eventual  out 
come,  and  knowing  it  to  be  inevitable  may 
have  striven  to  make  it  speedy  and  complete. 
But  there  was  no  general  scheme  for  inde 
pendence,  no  plot  for  a  revolt.  "The  Father 
of  the  Revolution"  laid  his  plans  in  silence, 
and  waited  for  the  ripening  of  the  times. 

Gage  and  his  advisers,  "greatly  puzzled," 
also  watched  the  crystallizing  of  opinion. 
Of  the  temper  of  the  Bostonians,  although 


no  The  Siege  of  Boston 

oppressed  by  the  Port  Bill,  there  could  pres 
ently  be  no  doubt.  Emboldened  by  the  pres 
ence  of  troops  in  the  town,  the  Tories  called 
town  meetings,  first  to  resolve  to  pay  for  the 
tea,  and  then  to  dismiss  the  Committee  of 
Correspondence.  These  two  actions,  if  taken, 
would  have  totally  changed  the  situation. 
The  meetings  were  crowded,  every  courtesy 
was  shown  the  Tories,  and  in  the  second 
meeting,  since  Adams  was  absent,  the  Whigs 
had  to  be  content  with  the  leadership  of 
Warren.  But  there  was  no  hesitation  in 
either  case.  The  first  meeting  rejected  the 
proposal  to  pay  for  the  tea.  In  the  second 
the  discretion  of  Warren  proved  equal  to  his 
zeal,  his  management  of  the  meeting  was 
perfect,  and  the  vote  upheld  the  Committee 
of  Correspondence  by  a  large  majority. 

The  next  action  explains  the  absence  of 
Adams  from  Boston  at  such  an  important 
time.  According  to  the  new  laws,  the  As 
sembly  met  at  Salem,  under  the  eye  of 
the  governor  and  in  the  presence  of  his 
troops.  Gage  knew  very  well  that  a  call 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  in 

had  been  sent  throughout  the  colonies  for  an 
election  of  delegates  to  a  general  Congress 
which  should  deliberate  on  the  present  situ 
ation.  He  had  no  intention  that  delegates 
should  be  elected  from  Massachusetts.  He 
had  partisans  in  the  Assembly,  and  an  inform 
ant  on  the  committee  to  introduce  legislation. 
Every  move  was  reported  to  him.  Never 
did  Sam  Adams  dissemble  more  cleverly. 
So  dull  and  spiritless  did  public  matters 
seem,  that  Gage's  informant  thought  it 
safe  to  go  home  on  private  business. 
Then  Adams  acted.  Quietly  laying  his 
plans,  on  the  morning  of  the  seventeenth 
of  June,  1774,  he  locked  the  door  of  the 
chamber  and  proposed  that  the  Assembly 
elect  delegates  to  the  Continental  Congress. 
A  Tory  pleaded  sickness  and  hurried  to  Gage 
with  the  news  ;  but  the  door  was  again  locked, 
and  the  business  proceeded.  Though  the 
governor  sent  his  secretary  with  a  message 
dissolving  the  Assembly,  the  secretary  knocked 
in  vain.  The  doors  were  not  opened  until 
delegates  had  been  elected  to  the  Congress, 


112  The  Siege  of  Boston 

a  tax  laid  to  pay  their  expenses,  and  reso 
lutions  passed  exhorting  the  province  to 
stand  firm. 

One  of  the  delegates-elect  was  John  Adams. 
For  years  he  had  declined  to  hold  public 
office,  and  had  even  avoided  town  meetings. 
There  was  now  a  natural  Tory  hope  that  he 
might  refuse  this  office ;  there  was  even  a 
last  chance  to  wean  him  from  the  Whig 
cause,  for  he  was  presently  to  ride  on  circuit, 
and  there  would  meet  his  friend  Sewall. 
When  the  two  met,  the  Tory  reasoned  ear 
nestly,  pointing  out  the  irresistible  power  of 
Great  Britain.  But  Adams  was  ready  with 
his  answer.  "Sink  or  swim,  live  or  die, 
survive  or  perish  with  my  country  is  my 
unalterable  determination." l  And  so  went 
another  hope  of  the  Tories. 

The  summer  of  1774  wore  along,  with  no  im 
provement  in  the  situation.  Rather  it  became 
worse.  So  much  time  had  elapsed  without 
definite  news  of  the  passing  of  the  Regulating 

1  Bancroft,  edition  of  1876,  iv,  344.  Subsequent 
references  to  Bancroft  will  be  to  this  edition. 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  113 

Act,  that  there  was  hope  that  the  measure 
had  failed.  But  early  in  August  came  news  of 
its  passage,  and  with  it  a  list  of  appointments 
for  the  new  Council.  The  appointees  were 
all  chosen  from  among  the  Tories,  or  from 
those  inclined  to  the  king's  side.  "It  is 
apprehended,"  wrote  Andrews,  "that  most 
of  'em  will  accept." 

Now  at  last  it  was  natural  to  suppose 
that  the  Whigs  had  come  to  the  end  of  their 
resources.  Their  Assembly  was  dissolved,  a 
Tory  held  each  appointive  position,  Boston 
was  filled  with  soldiers,  and  the  harbor  was 
guarded  by  ships  of  war.  Active  opposition 
to  the  troops  would  have  been  madness,  and 
it  seemed  impossible  to  conduct  even  the 
ordinary  business  of  the  town,  for  now  town 
meetings  might  legally  be  called  only  for 
the  purpose  of  electing  officers.  Yet  when 
Gage  called  the  selectmen  before  him,  and 
graciously  indicated  his  willingness  to  allow 
meetings  for  certain  harmless  purposes,  the 
reply  surprised  him.  There  was  no  need, 
said  the  selectmen,  to  ask  his  permission  for 


H4  The  Siege  of  Boston 

a  meeting :  they  had  one  in  existence  already. 
In  fact  they  had  two,  the  May  meeting  and 
the  June  meeting,  each  legally  called  before 
the  enforcement  of  the  Regulating  Act,  and 
each  legally  "adjourned"  until  such  time 
as  it  was  needed.  The  technical  subterfuge 
was  too  much  for  Gage,  and  the  adjournments 
continued  in  spite  of  the  law. 

As  the  Massachusetts  delegates  prepared 
for  their  journey  to  Philadelphia,  where  the 
Congress  was  to  be  held,  there  occurred,  if 
we  can  believe  the  story  told  by  John  Andrews 
—  it  was  certainly  believed  in  Boston  at  the 
time  —  a  demonstration  of  affection  for  Sam 
uel  Adams.  "For  not  long  since  some  per 
sons  (their  names  unknown)  sent  and  ask'd 
his  permission  to  build  him  a  new  barn,  the 
old  one  being  decay'd,  which  was  executed 
in  a  few  days.  A  second  sent  to  ask  leave 
to  repair  his  house,  which  was  thoroughly 
effected  soon.  A  third  sent  to  beg  the  favor 
of  him  to  call  at  a  taylor's  shop  and  be  meas- 
ur'd  for  a  suit  of  cloaths  and  chuse  his  cloth, 
which  were  finish'd  and  sent  home  for  his 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  115 

acceptance.  A  fourth  presented  him  with  a 
new  whig,1  a  fifth  with  a  new  Hatt,  a  sixth 
with  a  pair  of  the  best  silk  hose,  a  seventh 
with  six  pair  of  fine  thread  ditto,  a  eighth 
with  six  pair  shoes,  and  a  ninth  modestly 
inquired  of  him  whether  his  finances  want 
rather  low  than  otherways.  He  reply'd  it 
was  true  that  was  the  case,  but  he  was  very 
indifferent  about  these  matters,  so  that  his 
poor  abilities  was  of  any  service  to  the  Pub- 
lick  ;  upon  which  the  Gentleman  obliged  him 
to  accept  of  a  purse  containing  about  15  or 
20  Johannes."  It  is  possible  that  these 
attentions  to  Adams  grew  out  of  the  desire 
that  he,  so  well  known  in  Boston  that  his 
shabbiness  meant  nothing,  should  appear 
well  at  the  Congress,  where  his  dress  might 
prejudice  others  against  him.  True  or  not, 
this  little  story  has  its  significance,  for,  says 
Andrews  to  his  correspondent,  "I  mention  this 
to  show  you  how  much  he  is  esteem'd  here. 
They  value  him  for  his  good  sense,  great 
abilities,  amazing  fortitude,  noble  resolution, 

1  Sic! 


Il6  The  Siege  of  Boston 

and  undaunted  courage:  being  firm  and  un- 
mov'd  at  all  the  various  reports  that  were 
propagated  in  regard  to  his  being  taken  up 
and  sent  home,1  notwithstanding  he  had 
repeated  letters  from  his  friends,  both  in 
England  as  well  as  here,  to  keep  out  of  the 
way." 

If  the  governor  desired  to  arrest  Adams,  he 
had  plenty  of  opportunity.  There  was  even 
a  public  occasion  to  take  all  the  delegates 
together,  when  they  left  the  town  on  their 
way  to  Philadelphia.  "A  very  respectable 
parade,"  wrote  Andrews,  "in  sight  of  five  of 
the  Regiments  encamp'd  on  the  Common, 
being  in  a  coach  and  four,  preceded  by  two 
white  servants  well  mounted  and  arm'd,  with 
four  blacks  behind  in  livery,  two  on  horse 
back  and  two  footmen."  Perhaps  Gage 
breathed  a  sigh  of  relief  with  the  "brace  of 
Adamses"  away,  but  his  real  troubles  were 
only  beginning. 

Massachusetts  would  have  nothing  to  do 
with  the  newly  appointed  officers.  The  thirty- 

1  Note  the  use  of  the  word,  as  meaning  England. 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  117 

six  councillors,  appointed  under  writ  of  man 
damus,  excited  the  most  indignation.  Of  the 
Boston  nominees  thirteen  accepted,  two  de 
clined,  and  four  took  time  to  consider ; 
throughout  the  province  the  proportion  was 
about  the  same.  But  those  who  wavered  and 
those  who  accepted  presently  heard  from 
their  neighbors.  Leonard  of  Taunton,  hear 
ing  of  a  surprise  party  mustering  from  the 
neighboring  towns,  departed  hastily  for  Bos 
ton.  His  father,  by  promises  that  he  would 
urge  his  son  to  resign,  with  difficulty  pre 
vailed  on  the  disgusted  neighbors  to  leave  the 
councillor's  property  unharmed.  In  Worces 
ter,  Timothy  Paine  was  taken  to  the  com 
mon,  and,  in  the  presence  of  two  thousand 
standing  in  military  order,  he  read  his  declina 
tion  of  his  appointment.  Ruggles  of  Hard- 
wick  was  warned  not  to  return  home ;  his 
neighbors  swore  that  he  should  never  pass 
the  great  bridge  of  the  town  alive.  Murray 
of  Rutland,  like  Leonard  of  Taunton,  escaped 
the  attentions  of  his  townspeople,  who  scorned 
the  threat  of  confiscation  and  death,  and 


Ii8  The  Siege  of  Boston 

demanded  his  resignation.  "This,"  wrote  his 
brother  to  him,  "is  not  the  language  of  the 
common  people  only:  those  that  have  here 
tofore  sustained  the  fairest  character  are  the 
warmest  in  this  matter ;  and,  among  the 
many  friends  you  have  heretofore  had,  I 
can  scarcely  mention  any  to  you  now." 

The  people  did  not  always  act  with  vio 
lence,  but  the  compulsion  which  they  put 
upon  their  fellow- towns  men  was  strong. 
Watson  of  Plymouth,  long  respected  in  the 
town,  had  been  appointed  by  the  king  to  the 
Council,  and  had  intended  to  accept.  But 
when  he  appeared  in  church  on  the  following 
Sunday,  his  friends  rose  and  left  the  meeting 
house.  In  the  face  of  their  scorn  he  bowed 
his  head  over  his  cane,  and  resolved  to  resign.1 

More  than  twenty  of  the  thirty-six  coun 
cillors  either  declined  their  appointment,  or 
resigned.  The  rest  could  find  no  safety  ex 
cept  in  Boston,  under  the  protection  of  the 
troops.  Even  the  courts  were  prevented  from 

1 1  take  these  facts  from  Bancroft  and  the  Andrews 
Letters. 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  119 

sitting,  in  one  case  by  the  ingenious  method 
of  packing  the  court-room  so  solidly  with 
spectators  that  judge  and  sheriff  could  not 
enter.  Only  among  the  garrison  at  Boston 
was  there  comfort  for  the  Tory  officials. 

Boston  itself  was  troublesome  enough. 
When  Gage,  regarding  himself  as  "  person 
ally  affronted"  by  John  Hancock,1  removed 
him  from  command  of  the  Cadets,  the  com 
pany  sent  a  deputation  to  Salem  and  returned 
him  their  standard,  declining  longer  to  keep 
up  their  customary  service  as  the  governor's 
body-guard.  The  governor,  vexed,  replied 
that  had  he  previously  known  of  their  inten 
tions,  he  would  have  dismissed  them  himself. 

The  town  meetings  troubled  him  also. 
Salem  held  one  under  his  nose,  in  spite  of  a 
feint  to  interrupt  them  by  the  soldiers.  When 
he  summoned  the  committee  of  correspond 
ence  of  the  town  to  answer  for  the  meeting, 
they  were  stubborn  and  defiant,  refused  to 

1  Hancock  seems  to  have  practised  upon  Gage  the 
subterfuge  which  he  afterwards  used  with  Washington, 
pretending  to  be  too  ill  to  wait  upon  him. 


I2O  The  Siege  of  Boston 

give  bail  when  arrested,  and  were  conse 
quently  —  released  !  Other  towns  held  meet 
ings  to  elect  delegates  to  a  county  conven 
tion,  and  the  governor  was  powerless  to  stop 
them.  Although  he  had  many  more  troops 
than  the  four  regiments  with  which  he  first 
declared  that  he  could  do  so  much,  he  felt 
his  helplessness,  and,  cursing  the  town  meet 
ings,  waited  for  more  soldiers.  He  sum 
moned  the  remnant  of  his  council  to  meet  in 
Salem ;  but  the  members  were  afraid  to  come, 
and,  departing  from  his  orders,  he  allowed 
them  to  sit  in  Boston. 

And  now,  as  the  weeks  passed  on,  even 
Boston  was  rumbling  with  the  thunder  of 
the  coming  storm.  Israel  Putnam,  having 
driven  to  Boston  a  flock  of  sheep,  the  gift 
to  the  poor  of  Boston  from  his  Connecticut 
town,  became  the  lion  of  the  day.  Meeting 
on  the  Common  some  of  his  old  friends  in 
the  regular  army,  they  chaffed  him  on  the 
military  situation.  Twenty  ships  and  twenty 
regiments,  they  told  him,  were  to  be  expected 
if  the  country  did  not  submit.  "If  they 


The  Occupation  of  Boston  121 

come,"  returned  the  stanch  old  Indian  fighter, 
"I  am  ready  to  treat  them  as  enemies." 

At  length  the  forms  of  law  failed  even  in 
Boston.  When  the  judges  summoned  a  jury, 
it  not  only  refused  to  take  oath,  but  pre 
sented  a  written  protest  against  the  au 
thority  on  which  the  court  acted.  The  judges 
gave  up  the  attempt  in  despair,  and  the 
governor  and  his  advisers  thought  that  mat 
ters  were  come  to  a  pretty  pass  when  a  mere 
petit  juror  could  declare  "that  his  conscience 
would  not  let  him  take  oath  whiles  Peter 
Oliver  set  upon  the  bench."  1  There  was 
apparently  no  punishment  to  meet  such 
obduracy. 

But  at  last  news  came  to  Gage  on  which 
he  felt  compelled  to  act.  Much  powder  had 
been  stored  in  the  magazine  at  Quarry  Hill 
in  Charlestown.  He  was  informed  that  dur 
ing  August  the  towns  had  removed  their 
stock,  until  there  remained  only  that  which 
belonged  to  the  province.  This  stock  Gage 
determined  to  secure  against  possible  illegal 

1  Andrews  Letters. 


122  The  Siege  of  Boston 

seizure,  by  seizing  it  himself.  On  the  morning 
of  the  first  of  September,  by  early  daylight, 
detachments  of  troops  in  boats  took  the 
powder  to  the  Castle,  and  also  secured 
two  cannon  from  Cambridge.  Rumors  of 
violence  and  bloodshed  spread  rapidly,  and 
by  nightfall  half  of  New  England  was  in 
motion,  marching  toward  Boston. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE     POWDER     ALARM     AND     THE     WINTER     OF 

1774-1775 

GAGE  had  by  this  time  given  up  hope 
of  winning  to  his  side  the  leaders  of 
the  Whigs.  If  he  still  retained  a 
doubt  of  the  temper  of  the  people,  the  events 
of  the  first  and  second  of  September  would 
have  made  him  certain.  Marching  in  com 
panies,  they  converged  upon  Cambridge, 
whence  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  Andrew 
Oliver,  hastily  departed  to  Boston,  to  implore 
Gage  to  send  out  no  troops,  lest  not  a  man 
of  them  should  return  alive.  On  his  way  in, 
Oliver  passed  Warren  hastening  out.  But 
his  influence  was  not  needed.  The  militia 
companies  had  already  laid  aside  their  weapons 
and  were  parading  peacefully  upon  Cambridge 
common.  There  they  were  addressed  by 
two  of  the  Mandamus  Council,  who  confirmed 

123 


124  The  Siege  of  Boston 

their  resignations  and  promised  in  no  way 
to  be  concerned  in  the  acts  of  Gage's  govern 
ment.  Then  the  high-sheriff  came  under 
the  attention  of  the  meeting,  and  likewise 
promised  to  do  nothing  under  the  new  laws. 

Hallowell,  the  Commissioner  of  Customs, 
escaped  more  serious  handling.  Passing  by 
the  common  and  its  assemblage  of  Whigs,  he 
"spoke  somewhat  contemptuously  of  them." 
They  promptly  sent  some  mounted  men  after 
his  chaise.  On  seeing  them  coming  he  stopped 
his  chaise,  unhitched  his  horse  and  mounted, 
and  ran  his  pursuers  a  close  race  to  Boston 
Neck,  where  he  found  safety  with  the  guard. 

Oliver,  returning  to  Cambridge  with  the 
governor's  promise  to  send  out  no  troops, 
was  waited  upon  by  the  great  assemblage. 
The  Whigs  demanded  his  resignation  as  a 
councillor.  This,  after  demurring,  Oliver 
gave,  and  offered  to  resign  also  from  the 
lieutenant-governorship.  But  this  the  com 
pany  allowed  him  to  keep.  Andrews  records, 
"It  is  worthy  remark  that  Judge  Lee  re 
marked  to  'em,  after  he  had  made  his  resig- 


The  Powder  Alarm  125 

nation,  that  he  never  saw  so  large  a  number 
of  people  together  and  preserve  so  peaceable 
order  before  in  his  life." 

This  orderly  meeting,  proceeding  with  par 
liamentary  forms,  passed  a  resolve  that  Gage 
was  within  his  legal  rights  in  removing  the 
powder  from  the  store-house.  They  then 
"voted  unanimously  their  abhorrence  of  mobs 
and  riots,"  1  and  with  these  lessons  given  for 
any  one  to  learn,  they  peaceably  turned  toward 
their  homes.  On  their  way  they  turned  back 
those  who,  from  further  away,  were  eagerly 
coming  to  avenge  the  rumored  death  of  their 
countrymen  and  the  bombardment  of  the 
town.  Putnam,  after  disbanding  his  Con 
necticut  company,  wrote  to  urge  the  men  of 
Massachusetts  to  take  better  care  of  the 
remainder  of  their  powder. 

The  " Powder  Alarm"  stirred  the  country 
everywhere.  At  Philadelphia  its  exaggerated 
reports  greatly  disturbed  the  Congress,  but 
the  response  was  significant.  "When  the 
horrid  news  was  brought  here  of  the  bombard- 

1  Bancroft. 


126  The  Siege  of  Boston 

ment  of  Boston,"  wrote  John  Adams,  "which 
made  us  completely  miserable  for  two  days, 
we  saw  proofs  both  of  the  sympathy  and 
the  resolution  of  the  continent.  War  !  war  ! 
war  !  was  the  cry,  and  it  was  pronounced  in 
a  tone  which  would  have  done  honor  to  the 
oratory  of  a  Briton  or  a  Roman.  If  it  had 
proved  true,  you  would  have  heard  the  thun 
der  of  an  American  Congress."  1 

Gage  now,  for  the  first  time,  seems  to  have 
had  a  glimmer  of  an  idea  of  the  formidable 
forces  that  were  against  him.  He  began  to 
consider  the  military  situation,  and  the  de 
fence  of  the  town  against  another  such  rising. 
If  on  the  next  occasion  the  provincials  should 
attempt  to  pursue  a  commissioner  not  merely 
to  the  Neck,  but  past  it,  there  must  be  means 
of  stopping  them.  Gage  gave  orders  to  for 
tify  the  Neck,  which  was  in  those  days  the 
single  land  approach  to  Boston. 

The  modern  city  in  no  way  resembles  the 
old  town.  Now,  between  South  Boston  and 
Cambridge,  a  score  of  highways  lead  into  the 

1  Adams  Letters,  39. 


The  Powder  Alarm  127 

city.  Bridges  and  even  tunnels  give  direct 
communication  from  South  Boston,  Cam 
bridge,  Charlestown,  Chelsea,  and  East  Bos 
ton.  But  in  1774  South  Boston  was  a  mud- 
flat;  the  Back  Bay --at  least  at  high  water 
—  was  what  its  name  implies  ;  Chelsea  was 
Winnisimit,  with  but  half  a  dozen  houses ; 
and  East  Boston  was  an  island,  having  but 
two  houses  on  it.  Now  the  flats  have  been 
filled  up,  the  mainland  brought  closer,  and 
the  approaches  bridged.  In  Governor  Gage's 
day  Boston  was  still  a  peninsula,  roughly 
pear-shaped,  and  connected  with  the  main 
land  by  a  strip  of  land  which  was,  at  high 
tide,  scarcely  a  hundred  yards  wide. 

Batteries  commanding  the  road  which 
crossed  this  isthmus  seemed,  at  the  time, 
quite  sufficient  to  defend  the  town.  It  was 
not  till  later  that  Gage  began  to  consider  the 
heights  of  Dorchester  and  Charlestown,  which, 
to  the  south  and  north,  threatened  Boston. 
Now  he  set  to  work  upon  an  earthwork  at  the 
Neck,  brought  cannon  there,  and  began  to 
build  block-houses.  It  was  reported  that  he 


128  The  Siege  of  Boston 

was  to  cut  a  ditch  across  the  Neck,  and  con 
fine  traffic  to  a  narrow  bridge;  but  at  the 
objection  of  the  selectmen  such  an  idea,  if 
he  had  considered  it,  was  given  up.  Protest 
against  the  new  earthworks  was  also  lodged. 
The  selectmen  of  the  town,  and  a  committee 
from  the  convention  for  Suffolk  County 
which  then  happened  to  sit,  came  to  Gage 
with  remonstrances.  Warren,  from  the  con 
vention,  twice  urged  his  demands.  "Good 
God,  gentlemen,"  responded  the  harried  gov 
ernor,  "make  yourselves  easy,  and  I  will  be 


so." 


There  was  no  more  ease  of  mind  for  Gov 
ernor  Gage.  Within  the  limits  of  Boston 
and  Charlestown  were  several  cannon  belong 
ing  to  the  militia  organizations  of  the  town. 
When  the  general  tried  to  secure  the  Charles- 
town  guns  from  secretion  by  the  provincials, 
they  disappeared.  "Ever  since,"  wrote  An 
drews  a  fortnight  later,  "the  General  has 
ordered  a  double  guard  to  y?  new  and  old 
gun  houses,  where  y?  brass  field  pieces  be- 

1  Andrews  Letters. 


The  Powder  Alarm  129 

longing  to  our  militia  are  lodged :  notwith 
standing  which  .  .  .  We'n'sday  evening,  or 
rather  night,  our  people  took  these  from  the 
Old  house  (by  opening  the  side  of  the  house) 
and  carried  away  through  Frank  Johonnot's 
Garden.  Upon  which  he  gave  it  in  orders 
the  next  day  to  the  officer  on  guard  to  re 
move  those  from  the  New  house  (which 
stands  directly  opposite  the  encampment  of 
the  4th  Regiment  and  in  the  middle  of  the 
street  near  the  large  Elm  tree),  sometime  the 
next  night  into  the  camp ;  and  to  place  a 
guard  at  each  end,  or  rather  at  both  doors, 
till  then.  At  the  fixed  hour  the  Officer  went 
with  a  number  of  Mattrosses  to  execute  his 
orders,  but  behold,  the  guns  were  gone!" 
Lest  the  guns  in  the  North  Battery  should 
similarly  be  spirited  away,  the  bewildered 
general  ordered  them  to  be  spiked. 

His  state  of  mind  was  not  improved  when 
he  received,  as  he  did  early  in  September, 
the  resolutions  passed  by  the  Suffolk  conven 
tion.  The  Suffolk  Resolves,  as  they  are 
called,  covered  the  whole  of  the  existing  situa- 


130  The  Siege  of  Boston 

tion.  Repudiating  the  king's  claim  to  un 
conditional  obedience,  they  declared  the  Regu 
lating  Act  unconstitutional,  and  called  on  all 
officers  under  it  to  resign  their  places.  They 
advised  that  all  taxes  should  be  withheld 
from  the  king's  treasury,  and  suggested  a 
provincial  congress  to  deal  with  the  affairs  of 
Massachusetts.  The  resolves  further  declared 
that  the  Americans  had  no  intention  of  ag 
gression,  advised  peaceful  measures,  but 
threatened  to  seize  all  crown  officers  if  any 
political  arrest  were  made.  Looking  forward 
to  the  eventual  rupture,  the  resolves  advised 
the  towns  to  choose  their  military  officers 
with  great  care,  and  finally  made  provision 
to  spread  alarm  or  summon  assistance  at  a 
moment's  notice. 

Affairs  had  now  reached  a  new  phase. 
The  barrier  which  Gage  had  erected  at  the 
Neck  had  effectually  cut  him  off  from  the 
province  which  he  had  been  sent  to  govern. 
From  that  time  on  he  had  no  authority  be 
yond  the  range  of  his  batteries. 

Boston  was  his,   to  be  sure.     In    spite  of 


The  Powder  Alarm  131 

alarms  (for  once  the  field  day  of  the  Ancient 
and  Honorable  Artillery  Company,  the  pride 
of  the  province,  aroused  the  fleet ;  and  once 
the  little  navy  was  awake  all  night  against 
an  attack  that  never  came),  in  spite  of  such 
alarms,  no  attempt  was  made  upon  his  army 
or  his  ships.  The  town  was  quiet,  and  Tory 
ladies  and  gentlemen  were  at  last  at  ease. 
On  the  Mall  they  might  daily  watch  the 
parade  of  the  troops,  speak  their  minds  about 
the  faction,  and  agree  upon  the  cowardice  of 
the  provincials.  Yet  the  Whigs  of  Boston 
made  no  submission.  They  were,  as  Warren 
wrote  of  them,  "silent  and  inflexible."  At 
the  same  time  they  had  everything  at  stake. 
Their  leaders  Hancock  and  Warren  still  lived 
openly  among  them,  in  the  face  of  the  threat 
of  arrest.  The  artisans,  too,  at  this  period 
put  behind  them  a  great  temptation.  For 
many  months  they  had  been  idle ;  now 
within  a  few  weeks  the  governor  had  com 
menced  building  barracks  for  the  troops,  upon 
which  Boston  workmen  were  engaged.  For 
the  first  time  since  the  Port  Bill  went  into 


132  The  Siege  of  Boston 

effect  they  were  earning  a  comfortable  living. 
But  now  they  refused  to  work  longer  for  the 
king.  In  vain  Gage  appealed  to  the  select 
men  and  to  Hancock.  One  and  all  the 
artisans  withdrew,  to  subsist,  as  before,  upon 
the  donations  that  still  continued  to  come  in 
from  the  other  towns  and  colonies. 

Outside  the  barrier  at  the  Neck  was  an 
unparalleled  state  of  affairs.  In  Massachu 
setts  there  was  no  legal  government.  The 
charter  had  been  abrogated,  but  the  new 
system  had  been  rejected  by  the  people. 
There  were  no  judges  and  no  courts,  no 
sheriffs ;  there  was  no  treasury,  and  no  ma 
chinery  of  government  whatever.  Conse 
quently  there  was  a  striking  opportunity 
for  lawlessness.  Yet  the  quiet  in  the  province 
was  remarkable.  In  the  absence  of  execu 
tive  and  judicial  officers,  the  selectmen  of 
the  towns  and  the  Committees  of  Correspond 
ence  took  upon  themselves  the  work  that 
was  to  be  done,  and  did  it  quietly  and  well. 
There  was  no  thievery,  no  murder,  no  re 
pudiation  of  debts.  So  far  as  their  ordinary 


The  Powder  Alarm  133 

life  was   concerned,   the  people   simply  lived 
on  in  their  ancient  way. 

There  was,  nevertheless,  plenty  of  law 
lessness  of  the  new  kind.  Just  as  soon  as 
the  people  could  catch  the  newly  appointed 
officials,  they  forced  them  to  resign ;  and 
whenever  the  courts  attempted  to  sit  they 
were  made  to  adjourn.  There  continued  the 
little  migration  of  Tories  toward  Boston, 
always  in  the  expectation  that  the  sojourn 
was  to  be  brief,  and  that  presently  Gage 
would  have  the  situation  in  hand.  Most 
of  the  refugees,  however,  never  saw  their 
homes  again.  As  for  Gage,  he  was  sus 
pected  of  detaining  the  remaining  councillors 
in  Boston,  lest  he  should  not  have  any  left 
to  him.  Indeed,  his  position  in  Salem  had 
already  become  so  undignified  and  uncom 
fortable  that  early  in  September,  with  the 
Commissioners  of  Customs  and  all  other 
officials,  he  returned  to  Boston.  There  he 
also  withdrew  the  two  regiments  with  which 
he  had  ineffectually  endeavored  to  sustain 
his  prestige  in  Salem.  Yet  he  had  not  been 


134  The  Siege  of  Boston 

long  in  Boston  before  he  was  forced  to  watch 
the  preparations  for  a  new  act  of  defiance. 

Already,  unfortunately  for  him,  he  had 
convened  the  Assembly  to  meet  at  Salem. 
Now  that  he  was  in  Boston  he  desired  the 
legislators  to  meet  there  also ;  yet  he  could 
not  adjourn  them  until  they  met.  This  he 
planned  to  do.  The  delegates,  however,  knew 
that  if  they  came  to  Boston  they  must  take 
their  oaths  of  office  before  the  Mandamus 
Council.  To  this  the  representatives  would 
never  submit,  and  accordingly  planned  an 
other  move.  Boston  carried  out  its  part 
under  the  eye  of  the  governor.  The  town 
elected  its  representatives,  chief  among  whom 
were  Hancock,  Warren,  and  the  absent  Sam 
uel  Adams.  The  meeting  then  deliberately, 
reminding  the  delegates  that  they  could 
not  conscientiously  discharge  their  duty  under 
the  conditions  which  the  governor  would 
impose,  "empowered  and  instructed"  them 
to  join  with  the  delegates  from  other  towns 
in  a  general  provincial  congress,  to  act 
upon  public  matters  in  such  a  manner  as 


The  Powder  Alarm  135 

should  appear  "most  conducive  to  the  true 
interest  of  this  town  and  province,  and  most 
likely  to  preserve  the  liberties  of  all  America." 

Thus  the  town  of  Boston,  inflexible  but 
no  longer  silent,  calmly  ignored  the  gov 
ernor  and  his  troops.  A  strong  governor 
would  have  imprisoned  the  delegates  and 
dissolved  the  meeting ;  Gage  allowed  it  to 
proceed  for  the  rest  of  the  day  with  illegal 
business,  and  did  nothing. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  conduct  of 
affairs  fell  into  the  hands  of  Warren.  Adams 
was  away  at  Philadelphia,  and  Hancock, 
though  older  than  Warren  and  an  excellent 
figurehead,  had  neither  Warren's  wisdom 
nor  his  fiery  energy.  It  was  Warren  who 
corresponded  with  the  Congress  at  Phila 
delphia  and  with  the  Committees  of  Corre 
spondence  of  the  Massachusetts  towns,  and 
it  was  to  him  that  the  province  naturally 
turned.  When  we  remember  him  as  the 
hero  of  Bunker  Hill,  it  is  well  also  to  recall 
him  as  the  tried  servant  and  the  excellent 
adviser  of  the  public. 


136  The  Siege  of  Boston 

One  act  of  his  at  this  point  is  worth  re 
membering.  As  we  have  seen,  Episcopalians 
were  not  in  good  odor  with  the  Massachu 
setts  Whigs ;  the  colony  had  been  founded  as 
an  asylum  from  "prelacy,"  and  still,  after 
nearly  two  hundred  and  fifty  years,  the  few 
members  of  the  English  church  were  chiefly 
supporters  of  the  crown.  Warren  now  took 
occasion  to  remind  his  brethren  that  to  the 
south  conditions  were  different,  and  that 
"the  gentlemen  of  the  Established  Church  of 
England  are  men  of  the  most  just  and  liberal 
sentiments."  In  a  printed  letter  he  requested 
fair  treatment  of  all  Episcopalians,  and  ended 
by  quoting  from  a  letter  of  Samuel  Adams 
an  account  of  the  Episcopal  chaplain  of 
the  Philadelphia  Congress,  whose  first  prayer 
moved  many  of  the  members  to  tears.  Al 
though  this  chaplain  later  turned  his  coat, 
the  reminder  was  timely  and  valuable,  for 
many  southern  Whigs,  among  them  Wash 
ington  himself,  were  members  of  the  Estab 
lished  Church. 

As    to    the    proposed    provincial    congress, 


The  Powder  Alarm  137 

Gage  now  hastened  to  forestall  the  conse 
quences  of  his  own  action.  He  declared 
the  convening  of  the  Assembly  inexpedient, 
and  removed  the  obligation  to  attend.  Never 
theless  ninety  of  the  delegates  came  together, 
waited  a  day  for  the  governor,  then  formed 
themselves  into  a  provincial  congress,  and 
adjourned.  On  the  nth  of  October  they 
met  again  at  Concord,  this  time  with  nearly 
two  hundred  more  members,  and  in  the  old 
meeting-house  began  their  sessions  with  Han 
cock  as  their  president,  but  with  Warren  as 
the  most  influential  member  of  their  body. 

His  influence  was  thrown  on  the  side  of 
moderation.  There  were  plenty  in  the  prov 
ince  ready  to  urge  violence.  They  argued 
that  the  old  charter  should  be  resumed ;  and 
as  if  the  present  acts  were  not  sufficiently 
revolutionary,  were  ready  to  proceed  to  vio 
lent  measures.  But  the  time  had  not  yet 
come.  Massachusetts  sentiment,  responding 
to  persecution,  was  far  in  advance  of  the 
feelings  of  the  rest  of  the  country.  No 
action  could  safely  be  taken  until  the  other 


138  The  Siege  of  Boston 

colonies  were  ready  to  support  New  England. 
In  constant  touch  with  Samuel  Adams  — 
for  Paul  Revere  and  other  trusted  couriers 
were  always  on  the  road  with  letters  -  -  Warren 
was  able  to  remind  his  colleagues  of  the  need 
of  patience,  and  to  cool  their  ardor  by  his 
warnings  that  in  open  rebellion  they  would 
stand  alone.  His  services,  and  those  of  the 
steadfast  band  who  supported  him,  were  in 
valuable.  In  these  days  he  rose  to  the  full 
stature  of  political  leadership,  in  guiding  the 
actions  of  the  provincial  congress  and  in  con 
straining  it  to  patience. 

And  yet  its  acts  were  revolutionary  enough. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  until  this  time 
the  Whigs  of  Massachusetts  had  remained 
within  their  constitutional  rights.  Apart 
from  the  Tea-Party,  no  word  or  act  of  town 
meeting  or  of  legislature,  or  even  of  any 
prominent  citizen,  needed  for  justification 
anything  more  than  the  ancient  charter 
rights  of  the  province.  But  now  the  pro 
vincial  congress  went  beyond  anything  that 
had  ever  been  done  before.  It  appointed  a 


The  Powder  Alarm  139 

Committee  of  Safety,  which  should  prepare 
for  equipping  and  raising  an  army.  It  ap 
pointed  a  Committee  of  Supplies,  which 
presently  gathered  together  a  few  hundred 
spades  and  pickaxes,  some  muskets,  a  thousand 
wooden  mess-bowls,  four  thousand  flints, 
and  a  small  supply  of  peas  and  flour  —  a 
pitiful  attempt  to  compete  with  the  vast 
resources  of  Great  Britain.  More  than  this, 
it  appointed  a  Receiver-General,  to  keep  the 
public  money  of  the  province.  It  might  be 
argued  that  all  these  acts  were  still  within 
the  charter  rights,  yet  the  Whig  position 
was  no  longer  so  strong  as  on  the  occasions 
when  it  had  caused  the  crown  lawyers  to 
doubt.  With  a  treasurer  engaged  in  receiv 
ing  the  taxes  which  the  towns  willingly  paid 
him,  and  with  generals  appointed  to  command 
an  army,  it  began  to  look  as  if  Massachu 
setts  were  in  rebellion. 

Gage  was  perplexed.  His  province  was 
out  of  his  control,  and  now  came  the  news 
that  the  Continental  Congress,  before  ad 
journing,  had  voted  approval  of  the  course  of 


140  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Massachusetts.  In  fact,  Congress  had  voted 
its  support.  "Resolved,  that  this  congress 
approve  of  the  opposition  made  by  the  in 
habitants  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  to  the 
execution  of  the  late  acts  of  Parliament; 
and,  if  the  same  shall  be  attempted  to  be 
carried  into  execution  by  force,  in  such  case 
all  America  ought  to  support  them  in  their 
opposition."  With  such  words  in  his  mind, 
Gage  had  to  listen  to  the  ringing  of  the 
church  bells  in  welcome  to  Samuel  Adams  as 
he  returned  from  Philadelphia.  Adams  and 
Gushing,  two  of  the  Boston  delegates,  now 
took  their  seats  in  the  provincial  congress, 
and  the  remaining  two  delegates  were  in 
vited  to  attend.  The  public  acts  of  the 
congress  continued  bold  and  uncompromis 
ing,  and  every  little  while  there  came  to 
the  harried  governor  some  public  letter  of 
remonstrance,  or  some  delegation  from  an 
aggrieved  town  or  county  convention,  to 
object,  to  expostulate,  or  to  demand.  Never 
were  people  better  trained  to  politics  than 
the  Americans  at  this  moment.  Gage  was 


The  Powder  Alarm  141 

quite  unfitted  to  cope  with  them.  Hutchinson 
would  have  been  more  vigorous,  and  even 
Bernard  more  clever.  The  king  fitly  charac 
terized  his  governor  as  "the  mild  general." 

Gage,  in  his  perplexity,  now  made  trouble 
by  suggesting  the  recruiting  of  Indians  against 
the  day  of  rebellion,  and  called  for  more 
troops  from  England.  The  disgusted  king 
sought  to  replace  him  as  commander-in- 
chief  by  the  one  English  soldier  whom  the 
Americans  held  in  respect,  in  fact,  as  the 
hero  of  the  French  war,  almost  in  reverence. 
But  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst  bluntly  told  the 
king  that  he  would  not  serve  against  the 
Americans,  "to  whom  he  had  been  so  much 
obliged."  The  king  was  forced  to  content  him 
self  by  sending  to  Gage's  support  three  major- 
generals,  as  if  in  the  hope  that  their  divided 
counsels  would  bring  about  a  uniform  policy. 

Of  these  three  men  America  was  to  hear 
a  good  deal  in  the  next  seven  years.  The 
least  important  of  them  was  Sir  Henry  Clin 
ton,  of  respectable  military  skill.  More  strik 
ing  in  character  was  Sir  John  Burgoyne,  poet, 


142  The  Siege  of  Boston 

dramatist,  parliamentarian,  upon  whom 
America  will  ever  look  with  the  indulgence 
which  the  victor  feels  for  one  who  is  signally 
and  completely  defeated.  "General  Big- 
talk,"  the  Yankee  balladist  called  him  when 
once  the  siege  was  in  progress.  It  is  true 
that  Burgoyne  had  an  easy  flow  of  words, 
and  we  shall  before  long  find  him  doing  his 
share  to  make  Gage  ridiculous.  But  Bur 
goyne  had  his  manly  parts,  and  though  he 
lacked  greatness,  he  commands  at  times  our 
sympathy  and  our  respect.  He  made  a 
romantic  marriage,  which  proved  a  happy 
one ;  and  his  real  claim  to  literary  distinction 
lies  in  the  letter  in  which,  on  his  departure 
for  America,  he  commended  his  wife  to  the 
care  of  the  king.  Burgoyne,  in  a  still  brutal 
age,  was  a  humanitarian,  and  was  one  of  the 
first,  not  only  to  oppose  flogging  in  the  army, 
but  also  to  advocate  friendly  personal  rela 
tions  between  officers  and  men.  America 
seldom  took  Burgoyne  seriously,  but  he  is  to 
us  of  to-day  a  pleasing  and  picturesque 
character. 


The  Powder  Alarm  143 

The  third  of  the  new  generals  was  Sir 
William  Howe,  whose  chief  misfortune  was 
that  fate  had  set  him  to  oppose  Washington. 
He  came  of  a  family  well  known  in  American 
annals,  for  one  brother  was  now  an  admiral 
popular  in  the  colonies,  and  another  was  still 
mourned  in  America  for  his  brilliant  talents 
and  magnetic  personality.  W7illiam  Howe 
had  gained  his  seat  in  Parliament  by  appeals 
to  the  memory  of  that  brother,  and  by 
promises  to  take  no  active  military  command 
against  America.  But  on  being  offered  the 
post  under  Gage,  Howe  asked  if  this  were  a 
request  or  an  order.  The  adroit  king  re 
turned  the  proper  answer,  and  Howe,  protest 
ing  that  no  other  course  was  open  to  him, 
prepared  to  sail  for  Boston. 

Meanwhile  Gage,  alone,  made  various  futile 
moves,  at  which  the  province  looked  with 
patience.  From  time  to  time  his  troops 
marched  a  few  miles  into  the  country,  and 
returned  again.  In  January  he  sent  a  de 
tachment  to  Marshfield,  to  occupy  the  village 
so  that  the  loyal  residents  might  drink  their 


144  The  Siege  of  Boston 

tea  in  peace.  It  was  a  comfort  to  him  to 
think  that  there  was  one  town  in  the  province 
in  which  a  militia  company  was  drilling  for 
his  support,  and  with  the  king's  muskets.  A 
month  later  Gage  sent  troops  to  Salem,  in 
order  to  seize  some  cannon;  but  the  com 
mander,  finding  the  country  in  arms  to 
receive  him,  wisely  withdrew  his  little  force 
after  —  to  use  a  term  yet  to  be  invented  — 
"saving  his  face"  by  crossing  a  bridge  under 
promise  of  immediate  return. 

The  Reverend  Jonas  Clark,  speaking  of 
this  event,  adds  an  indignant  note  to  an 
equally  indignant  sermon.1  "This  unsuccess 
ful  expedition  was  made  on  LORD'S  day, 
Feb.  26,  1775.  The  party  consisted  of  200 
or  300  men ;  it  was  commanded  by  Lieut. 
Col.  Leslie.  The  vessels  which  brought  them 
to  Marblehead,  arrived  in  the  harbour,  on  the 
morning  of  the  sabbath;  and  the  better  to 
conceal  their  intentions,  lay  quietly,  at  anchor, 
near  to  the  wharves,  with  but  very  few  hands 
upon  deck  (the  troops  being  kept  close)  'till 

1  A  Sermon  preached  at  Lexington,  April  19, 1776,  26. 


The  Powder  Alarm  145 

the  people  of  the  town  were  assembled  for 
the  services  of  religion.  -  -  While  the  inhabit 
ants  were  thus  engaged  in  their  devotions  to 
GOD,  the  party  landed  and  made  a  speedy 
march  to  Salem.  But  all  their  precaution 
did  not  avail  them  for  the  accomplishment  of 
their  enterprize.  The  eagle-eyes  of  a  watch 
ful  and  wary  people,  justly  jealous  of  every 
measure  of  their  oppressors,  are  not  easily 
evaded.  Their  motions  were  observed,  and 
such  timely  notice  given,  that  such  numbers 
were  collected  and  such  measures  taken, 
before  they  arrived,  as  effectually  frustrated 
their  design  and  obliged  them  to  return  de 
feated  and  chagrined." 

So,  throughout  the  winter,  the  garrison  and  its 
governor  accomplished  nothing  —  or  less  than 
nothing,  if  one  considers  that  Gage  proved  to  the 
provincials  the  weakness  of  his  character,  while 
at  the  same  time  he  angered  them  by  issuing, 
when  the  provincial  congress  appointed  a  day 
of  prayer,  a  proclamation  against  hypocrisy. 

As  the  winter  passed  there  was  at  times 
hope  that  the  political  situation  might  be 


146  The  Siege  of  Boston 

relieved  by  action  of  Parliament.  Yet  though 
the  worst  House  of  Commons  in  history  had 
been  dissolved,  the  one  which  took  its  place 
was,  at  its  beginning,  little  better.  It  learned 
wisdom  only  from  the  events  of  the  war. 
To  this  Parliament  Chatham  and  Burke  now 
appealed  in  vain ;  even  Fox,  at  last  definitely 
taking  his  stand  with  the  supporters  of 
America,  could  not  move  it  from  its  sub 
servience  to  the  king.  When  finally  a  bill 
was  introduced  to  deprive  America  of  its 
fisheries,  it  began  to  seem  that  legislative 
oppression  could  go  no  further. 

And  now  to  other  Americans  than  Samuel 
Adams  it  became  evident  that  there  was  no 
hope  of  concession  from  England.  The  second 
provincial  congress  began  its  sittings.  War 
ren  was  still  on  the  Committee  of  Safety. 
Preble,  Ward,  and  Pomeroy  were  reappointed 
generals,  and  to  them  were  added  Thomas 
and  Heath.  Supplies  were  voted  for  an  army 
of  fifteen  thousand.  There  was  still  hope  of 
conciliation,  but,  wrote  Warren,  "every  day, 
every  hour,  widens  the  breach." 


The  Powder  Alarm  147 

The  town  of  Boston  knew  how  wide  the 
breach  was,  and  how  different  the  points  of 
view.  The  letters  and  diaries  of  the  time 
show  the  constant  little  irritations  which  ex 
asperated  both  sides.  In  those  days,  if  the 
British  soldier  was  not  so  sober  as  now,  the 
British  officer  was  far  more  given  to  drink. 
From  "the  Erskine  incident"  until  almost 
the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  drunken  officers 
made  trouble  with  the  inhabitants,  and  found 
them  less  submissive  than  the  average  British 
citizen.  Yankee  burghers  had  an  uncom 
fortable  trick  of  arming  themselves  with 
cudgels  and  returning  to  the  attack ;  the 
watch  occasionally  locked  up  Lieutenant  This 
and  Ensign  That ;  and  more  dignified  citizens, 
disdaining  personal  conflict,  brought  their 
complaints  to  the  general,  thus  adding  to  his 
troubles.  John  Andrews  tells  the  story  of 
the  school  boys  wrho,  in  the  phrase  of  the 
day,  "improved"  the  coast  on  School  Street. 
"General  Haldiman,  improving  the  house 
that  belongs  to  Old  Cook,  his  servant  took  it 
upon  him  to  cut  up  their  coast  and  fling 


148  The  Siege  of  Boston 

ashes  upon  it.  The  lads  made  a  muster,  and 
chose  a  committee  to  wait  upon  the  General, 
who  admitted  them,  and  heard  their  complaint, 
which  was  couch'd  in  very  genteel  terms,  com 
plaining  that  their  fathers  before  'em  had  im- 
prov'd  it  as  a  coast  from  time  immemorial,  &ca. 
He  ordered  his  servant  to  repair  the  damage, 
and  acquainted  the  Governor  with  the  affair, 
who  observ'd  that  it  was  impossible  to  beat 
the  notion  of  Liberty  out  of  the  people,  as  it 
was  rooted  in  'em  from  their  Childhood." 

Gage  did  his  best  to  be  fair  to  the  inhabit 
ants,  and  they  acknowledged  his  endeavor. 
But  the  officers,  less  experienced  than  he 
and  with  fewer  responsibilities,  and  also  less 
acquainted  with  the  spirit  of  the  colonists, 
were  angry  with  him  for  what  they  called  his 
subservience.  They  dubbed  him  Tommy,  and 
confided  their  indignation  to  their  diaries. 
"Yesterday,"  wrote  Lieutenant  Barker  of  the 
King's  Own,1  "in  compliance  with  the  request 

1  His  diary  is  published  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly  for 
April  and  May,  1877,  384  and  544.  I  shall  use  it  freely 
without  further  definite  reference. 


The  Powder  Alarm  149 

of  the  Select  Men,  Genl  Gage  order'd  that 
no  Soldier  in  future  shou'd  appear  in  the 
Streets  with  his  side  Arms.  Query,  Is  this 
not  encouraging  the  Inhabitants  in  their 
licentious  and  riotous  disposition  ?  Also 
orders  are  issued  for  the  Guards  to  seize  all 
military  Men  found  engaged  in  any  disturb 
ance,  whether  Agressors  or  not ;  and  to  secure 
them,  'till  the  matter  is  enquired  into.  By 
Whom  ?  By  Villains  that  wou'd  not  censure  one 
of  their  own  Vagrants,  even  if  He  attempted 
the  life  of  a  Soldier ;  whereas  if  a  Soldier 
errs  in  the  least,  who  is  more  ready  to  accuse 
than  Tommy  ?  His  negligence  on  the  other 
hand  has  been  too  conspicuous  in  the  affair  of 
Cn.  Maginis  to  require  a  further  comment." 

Doubtless  there  is  much  to  be  said  for  the 
soldiers,  both  officers  and  privates,  since  the 
Bostonians  had  not  abandoned  their  irritating 
ways,  even  in  the  midst  of  an  army.  But  the 
army  was  also  very  hard  to  live  with.  On 
the  first  of  January  our  discontented  officer 
records,  "Nothing  remarkable  but  the  drunk 
enness  among  the  Soldiers,  which  is  now  got 


150  The  Siege  of  Boston 

to  a  very  great  pitch;  owing  to  the  cheap 
ness  of  the  liquor,  a  Man  may  get  drunk  for 
a  Copper  or  two."  The  officers,  we  have  seen, 
did  not  set  their  men  a  very  good  example ; 
but  even  in  their  sober  senses  they  were 
scarcely  conciliatory.  They  formed  burlesque 
congresses,  and  marched  in  mock  procession 
in  the  streets,  absurdly  dressed  to  represent 
the  leaders  of  the  Whigs.  On  the  queen's 
birthday  a  banquet  was  held,  and  from  the 
balcony  of  the  tavern  the  toasts  were  an 
nounced,  while  in  the  street  a  squad  of  sol 
diers  fired  salutes.  Toasts  to  Lord  North 
were  not  relished  in  Boston,  and  reminders 
of  Culloden  were  too  significant  for  those 
whom  the  army  already  called  rebels.  It  is 
an  interesting  proof  of  the  weakness  of  Gage's 
hold  upon  his  own  army  that  such  childish 
ness  should  have  been  permitted,  or  that 
such  threats  should  have  been  made  to  a 
town  that  still  was  within  its  legal  rights. 

Beneath  these  petty  quarrels  we  perceive 
the  fundamental  differences.  Over  these  the 
more  learned  of  both  sides  carried  on  a  war 


The  Powder  Alarm  151 

of  words.  The  newspapers  teemed  with  let 
ters,  poems,  essays,  and  dissertations ;  and 
Novanglus,  Massachusettensis,  Vindex,  and 
other  pseudo-Romans  endeavored  to  convert 
each  other,  or  else  to  point  solemn  warnings. 
"Remember,"  writes  a  yeoman  of  Suffolk 
County,  "the  fate  of  Wat  Tyler,  and  think 
how  vain  it  is  for  Jack,  Sam,  or  Will  to  war 
against  Great  Britain,  now  she  is  in  earnest ! 
.  .  .  Our  leaders  are  desperate  bankrupts  ! 
Our  country  is  without  money,  stores,  or  neces 
saries  of  war, -- without  one  place  of  refuge 
or  defence  !  If  we  were  called  together,  we 
should  be  a  confused  herd,  without  any  dis 
position  to  obedience,  without  a  general  of 
ability  to  direct  and  guide  us  ;  and  our  num 
bers  would  be  our  destruction  !  Never  did  a 
people  rebel  with  so  little  reason  ;  therefore 
our  conduct  cannot  be  justified  before  God  ! 
.  .  .  Rouse,  rouse  ye,  Massachusetians, 
while  it  be  yet  time  !  Ask  pardon  of  God, 
submit  to  our  king  and  parliament,  whom  we 
have  wickedly  and  grievously  offended."  1 

1  Frothingham's  "Life  of  Warren,"  413. 


152  The  Siege  of  Boston 

This  exclamatory  appeal  plainly  shows  a 
type  of  mind  which  often  has  saved  the 
British  Empire,  yet  which  at  periods  in  his 
tory  has  come  near  to  ruining  it.  English 
conservatism  has  at  most  times  been  invaluable 
to  the  country ;  but  when,  as  repeatedly 
under  the  Stuart  kings  and  again  under 
George  III,  it  has  forsaken  its  true  task  in 
order  to  support  absolutism,  it  has  brought 
the  ship  of  state  very  near  to  wreck.  In 
reminding  of  the  fate  of  Wat  Tyler  our  Suf 
folk  yeoman  forgot,  if  indeed  he  ever  knew, 
the  fate  of  Charles  and  James  Stuart.  The 
majority  of  Englishmen  have  never  been  will 
ing  to  admit  that  in  defending  their  consti 
tutional  rights  they  were  guilty  of  impiety. 
Though  such  warnings  and  appeals  were  at 
this  time  frequent  enough,  the  Whigs  paid 
no  regard  to  them. 

When  we  leave  the  Tories  and  turn  to  the 
soldiery  we  find  one  other  common  English 
failing  —  underrating  an  adversary.  Eng 
land  had  so  long  been  victorious  on  land  and 
sea  that  it  was  almost  a  natural  assumption 


The  Powder  Alarm  153 

that  she  was  superior  to  any  force  that  could 
be  brought  against  her.  But  that  she  was 
always  right,  or  her  opponents  always  cowards, 
were  corollaries  that  did  not  necessarily  fol 
low.  Yet  both  of  these  were  implicitly  believed, 
not  only  by  supporters  at  home,  but  also  by 
the  army  in  America.  As  to  Yankee  coward 
ice,  many  a  Tory  could,  and  later  did,  warn 
the  troops  against  belief  in  it.  But  now,  at 
any  rate,  the  belief  was  fully  indulged.  From 
it  was  an  easy  step  to  general  contempt. 
Rascal  and  Scoundrel  were  common  synonyms 
for  Whig.  Lord  Percy  was  a  brigadier-gen 
eral  and  old  enough  to  form  his  own  con 
clusions,  yet  after  living  in  the  camp  at 
Boston  for  a  month,  he  gives  us  a  complete 
analysis  of  the  American  character — the  sum 
mary,  no  doubt,  of  British  military  opinion. 
"The  People  here,"  he  wrote  home,  "are  the 
most  designing,  Artfull  Villains  in  the  World. 
They  have  not  the  least  Idea  of  either  Re 
ligion  or  Morality.  Nor  have  they  the  least 
Scruple  of  taking  the  most  solemn  Oath  on 
any  Matter  that  can  assist  their  Purpose, 


154  The  Siege  of  Boston 

tho'  they  know  the  direct  contrary  can  be 
clearly  &  evidently  proved  in  half  an  Hour."  1 

We  see,  then,  the  situation  fully  prepared : 
an  inflexible  people,  a  weak  governor,  a 
party  of  belivers  in  divine  right,  and  a  con 
temptuous  soldiery.  The  next  event,  which 
all  but  ended  in  violence,  showed  that  there 
needed  but  a  little  tenser  situation  in  order 
to  bring  about  the  rupture. 

Now  occurred  the  annual  oration  on  the 
Massacre.  Since  that  tragedy,  five  years  ago, 
there  had  been  an  annual  commemoration 
of  it  in  the  form  of  a  speech  by  one  of  the 
Whig  leaders.  This  year  the  post  was  one 
of  evident  responsibility  and  even  of  danger, 
but  Warren,  true  to  his  character,  solicited 
the  appointment.  He  announced  his  sub 
ject  as  "  The  Baleful  Influence  of  Standing 
Armies  in  Time  of  Peace."  On  the  fifth 
of  March  the  crowd  that  came  to  hear  him 
filled  the  Old  South  to  the  doors. 

The  chance  was  one  which,  had  Gage  re 
ceived  the  orders  which  were  supposed  to 

1  Bulletin  of  Boston  Public  Library,  x,  No.  87,  320. 


The  Powder  Alarm  155 

have  been  sent  him,  and  had  he  been  the  man 
he  ought  to  have  been,  he  never  should  have 
let  slip.  There  in  one  building  were,  of  the 
chiefs  of  the  "faction,"  Warren,  Samuel 
Adams,  Hancock,  and  many  lesser  men. 
They  could  be  taken  at  one  blow.  Some 
forty  British  officers  were  present,  whether 
to  effect  a  capture  or  merely  to  cause  a  dis 
turbance  was  not  known.  At  Samuel  Adams' 
instance  they  were  given  front  seats,  or  places 
on  the  steps  of  the  pulpit.  There  they  lis 
tened  quietly  to  Warren's  words. 

The  oration  was,  in  the  style  of  the  day, 
florid ;  but  it  was  full  of  genuine  feeling. 
Warren  spoke  of  the  rise  of  the  British  Em 
pire  in  America,  the  hope  of  its  future,  the 
policy  of  the  king,  and  the  Massacre.  Turning 
then  to  the  present  situation,  he  spoke  in  wrords 
which  no  one  could  mistake,  bolder,  perhaps, 
than  ever  before  had  been  publicly  spoken  in 
the  presence  of  hostile  soldiers.  He  reminded 
his  countrymen  of  their  martial  achievements, 
he  spoke  of  the  critical  situation,  and, 
while  disclaiming  the  desire  for  independence, 


156  The  Siege  of  Boston 

encouraged  the  colonists  to  claim  their  rights. 
"An  independence  of  Great  Britain  is  not 
our  aim.  No:  our  wish  is,  that  Britain  and 
the  colonies  may,  like  the  oak  and  ivy, 
grow  and  increase  in  strength  together.  But, 
whilst  the  infatuated  plan  of  making  one 
part  of  the  empire  slaves  to  the  other  is  per 
sisted  in,  the  interest  and  safety  of  Britain 
as  well  as  the  colonies  require  that  the  wise 
measures  recommended  by  the  honorable, 
the  Continental  Congress  be  steadily  pursued, 
whereby  the  unnatural  contest  between  a 
parent  honored  and  a  child  beloved  may 
probably  be  brought  to  such  an  issue  that  the 
peace  and  happiness  of  both  may  be  estab 
lished  upon  a  lasting  basis.  But,  if  these  pacific 
measures  are  ineffectual,  and  it  appears  the  only 
way  to  safety  lies  through  fields  of  blood,  I 
know  you  will  not  turn  your  faces  from  our 
foes,  but  will  undauntedly  press  forward  until 
tyranny  is  trodden  under  foot,  and  you  have 
fixed  your  adored  goddess,  Liberty,  fast  by  a 
Brunswick's  side,  on  the  American  throne."1 

1  Frothingham's  "  Life  of  Warren,"  435-436. 


The  Powder  Alarm  157 

These  were  fearless  words,  and  full  of  mean 
ing.  Had  there  been  men  of  sense  among 
the  officers  present,  they  must  have  been 
impressed  by  the  solemnity  of  the  warning; 
in  fact,  they  were  silent  until  the  end.  It 
was  not  until  after  the  oration,  when  the 
meeting  was  voting  thanks  to  the  orator, 
that  the  officers  endeavored  to  interrupt 
the  proceedings.  The  cry  of  Fie  !  was  mis 
taken  for  that  of  Fire,  and  there  was  a 
moment's  panic.  We  have  opposing  accounts 
of  it. 

"It  was  imagined,"  wrote  our  discontented 
Lieutenant  of  the  King's  Own,  "that  there 
wou'd  have  been  a  riot,  which  if  there  had 
wou'd  in  all  probability  have  proved  fatal 
to  Hancock,  Adams,  Warren,  and  the  rest 
of  those  Villains,  as  they  were  all  up  in  the 
Pulpit  together,  and  the  meeting  was  crowded 
with  Officers  and  Seamen  in  such  a  manner 
that  they  cou'd  not  have  escaped ;  however 
it  luckily  did  not  turn  out  so ;  it  wou'd  indeed 
have  been  a  pity  for  them  to  have  made 
their  exit  in  that  way,  as  I  hope  before  long 


158  The  Siege  of  Boston 

we  shall  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  them 
do  it  by  the  hands  of  the  Hangman." 

John  Andrews  looked  at  the  matter  dif 
ferently.  "  The  officers  in  general  behave 
more  like  a  parcel  of  children,  of  late,  than 

men.  Captain  of  the  Royal  Irish  first 

exposed  himself  by  behaving  in  a  very  scan 
dalous  manner  at  the  South  meeting.  .  .  . 
He  got  pretty  decently  frighted  for  it.  A 
woman,  among  the  rest,  attacked  him  and 
threatened  to  wring  his  nose."  An  outbreak 
may  have  been  what  the  officers  wanted. 
"But,"  says  Samuel  Adams,  who  acted  on  his 
maxim  that  it  is  good  politics  to  put  and 
keep  the  enemy  in  the  wrong,  "order  was 
restored,  and  we  proceeded  regularly,  and 
finished  the  business.  I  am  persuaded,  were 
it  not  for  the  danger  of  precipitating  a  crisis, 
not  a  man  of  them  would  have  been  spared."  1 

The  whole  was  a  type  of  the  existing  situ 
ation.  Here  were  the  officers,  still  causing 
petty  disturbances ;  here  too,  no  doubt,  were 
Tories,  contemptuous  of  the  proceedings. 

1  Wells,  "Life  of  Adams,"  ii,  281. 


The  Powder  Alarm  159 

Deeper  still  appears  the  real  significance  of 
the  occasion.  On  the  one  side  was  the  gov 
ernor,  unable,  with  all  the  power  of  the  king, 
to  prevent  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  to  con 
demn  his  presence  in  the  town  -  -  for  the 
meeting  was  the  "Port  Bill  meeting,"  ad 
journed  from  time  to  time  since  the  previous 
May.  And  on  the  other  side  were  the  citi 
zens,  legally  protesting  and  exasperatingly 
defiant,  evidently  under  perfect  self-restraint, 
determined  not  to  strike  the  first  blow. 

The  officers  took,  as  usual,  a  puerile  revenge 
in  the  form  of  a  burlesque.  " A  vast  number" 
of  them  assembled  at  the  Coffee  House  in 
King  Street,  and  chose  selectmen  and  an 
orator,  "who  deliver'd  an  oration  from  the 
balcony  to  a  crowd  of  few  else  beside  gaping 
officers."  l  Others  of  them  caught  a  country 
man  who  had  been  decoyed  into  buying  a 
musket  from  a  soldier,  and  tarred  and  feath 
ered  him. 

But  these  were  surface  trivialities.  Be 
neath  them  the  true  situation  was  grow- 

1  Andrews  Letters. 


160  The  Siege  of  Boston 

ing  worse.  Out  in  the  country  military 
stores  were  being  collected  at  Worcester  and 
at  Concord ;  and  over  in  Parliament  the 
fisheries  bill,  designed  to  deprive  thousands 
in  America  of  their  living,  was  sure  of  pass 
ing.  At  last  Franklin,  who  had  stayed  in 
London  as  long  as  there  seemed  anything 
for  him  to  accomplish,  patiently  bearing  hu 
miliation  and  insults,  on  the  2Oth  of  March 
took  ship  for  Philadelphia.  It  was  the  sign 
that  there  was  no  further  hope  of  peace. 


CHAPTER  VII 

MILITARY  PREPARATIONS 

AS  the  spring  of  1775  advanced,  matters 
took  on  a  constantly  more  threatening 
aspect.  The  governor's  force  in  Bos 
ton  was  steadily  increasing,  and  was  approach 
ing  a  total  of  four  thousand  men.  Vessels  of 
war  were  with  equal  steadiness  being  added  to 
the  little  fleet  in  the  harbor.  With  each  bud 
get  of  news  from  England  it  became  evident 
that  Parliament  would  not  yield,  and  at  last 
came  word  that  Lord  North  had  offered  a  joint 
resolution  that  New  England  was  in  a  state 
of  rebellion,  which  both  houses  pledged  their 
lives  and  fortunes  to  suppress.  With  such 
a  military  force  at  his  command,  and  with 
such  moral  support  from  King  and  Parlia 
ment,  Gage  was  in  a  position  to  take  de 
cided  action. 

No  one  could  doubt  what  that  action  would 

M  161 


1 62  The  Siege  of  Boston 

be.  Since  September  the  province  had  been 
gathering  its  meagre  military  supplies.  It 
was  but  common  sense  to  seize  them  be 
fore  they  could  be  used.  Soon  after  the 
new  year  Gage  began  his  measures.  "Genl. 
Orders,"  writes  disgruntled  Lieutenant  Barker. 
"If  any  officers  of  the  different  Regts.  are 
capable  of  taking  sketches  of  a  Country, 
they  will  send  their  names  to  the  Dep.  Adj. 
Genl.  .  .  .  that  is  an  extraordinary  method 
of  wording  the  order ;  it  might  at  least  have 
been  in  a  more  genteel  way;  at  present  it 
looks  as  if  he  doubted  whether  there  were 
any  such."  However,  there  were  such,  and 
in  February  the  governor  chose  Captain 
Brown  and  Ensign  De  Berniere  (or  Bernicre, 
as  the  name  is  sometimes  spelled)  and  sent 
them  out  to  map  the  roads. 

The  little  expedition  was  somewhat  absurd, 
for  the  disguise  which  the  officers  wore  was 
sufficient  to  conceal  them  only  from  their 
friends.  When,  at  the  first  tavern  at  which 
they  stopped,  they  remarked  that  it  was  a 
very  fine  country,  the  black  woman  who 


Military  Preparations  163 

waited  on  them  answered,  "So  it  is,  and  we 
have  got  brave  fellows  to  defend  it,  and  if  you 
go  any  higher  you  will  find  it  so."  "This," 
admits  Ensign  De  Berniere,  whose  account 
of  the  expedition  was  left  in  Boston  at  the 
evacuation,  and  was  "printed  for  the  in 
formation  and  amusement  of  the  curious," 
"this  disconcerted  us  a  good  deal."  From 
that  time  on,  any  one  who  took  the  trouble 
to  "eye  them  attentively"  was  in  no  doubt 
as  to  their  real  character. 

They  went  first  to  Worcester,  where  it  was 
possible  that  the  governor  might  wish  to 
send  troops,  to  protect  the  courts  as  well  as 
to  seize  stores.  The  weather  was  rough  and 
snowy,  and  the  officers'  task  correspondingly 
difficult ;  the  countrymen,  by  persevering  so 
ciability,  kept  them  in  an  uneasy  state  of  mind. 
After  roughly  mapping  roads  concerning  which 
the  general  should  long  before  have  had  ac 
curate  information,  the  two  officers  made  their 
way  to  Sudbury,  where  they  hoped  to  rest  with 
a  sympathizer,  after  walking  in  a  snow-storm 
for  hours.  But  the  town  doctor,  though  long 


164  The  Siege  of  Boston 

a  stranger  at  the  house,  came  to  call,  and  the 
townspeople  showed  their  host  various  other 
undesirable  attentions,  so  that  in  twenty 
minutes  the  two  officers  were  glad  to  leave 
the  place.  They  arrived  again  safely  at 
Worcester,  "very  much  fatigued,  after  walk 
ing  thirty-two  miles  between  two  o'clock  and 
half-after  ten  at  night,  through  a  road  that 
every  step  we  sunk  up  to  the  ankles,  and  it 
blowing  and  drifting  snow  all  the  way." 

In  spite  of  this  experience,  the  two  officers, 
a  month  later,  undertook  a  similar  journey 
to  Concord.  In  this  they  succeeded,  return 
ing  with  a  rough  sketch  of  the  roads,  but 
bringing  also  their  Concord  host,  who  did 
not  think  it  safe  to  remain  after  entertaining 
them.  They  brought  information  that  in 
Concord  there  were  "  fourteen  cannon  (ten 
iron  and  four  brass)  and  two  cohorns,"  with 
"a  store  of  flour,  fish,  salt,  and  rice;  and  a 
magazine  of  powder  and  cartridges." 

They  might,  in  their  two  journeys,  have 
brought  better  information  than  that  the 
Concord  Whigs  "fired  their  morning  gun, 


Military  Preparations  165 

and  mounted  a  guard  of  ten  men  at  night." 
The  stores  at  Concord  had  far  better  pro 
tection  than  these,  as  the  two  officers  should 
have  learned  at  Framingham,  where  they 
watched  the  drill  of  the  militia  company. 
"After  they  had  done  their  exercise,  one  of 
their  commanders  spoke  a  very  eloquent 
speech,  recommending  patience,  coolness,  and 
bravery  (which  indeed  they  very  much 
wanted),  particularly  told  them  they  would 
always  conquer  if  they  did  not  break,  and 
recommended  them  to  charge  us  coolly,  and 
wait  for  our  fire,  and  everything  would  succeed 
with  them  —  quoted  Caesar  and  Pompey, 
brigadiers  Putnam  and  Ward,  and  all  such 
great  men  ;  put  them  in  mind  of  Cape  Breton, 
and  all  the  battles  they  had  gained  for  his 
majesty  in  the  last  war,  and  observed  that 
the  regulars  must  have  been  ruined  but  for 
them." 

Had  the  two  officers  known  it,  every  town 
in  the  province  had  just  such  a  militia  com 
pany,  which  at  set  seasons  met,  and  drilled, 
and  listened  to  good  old-fashioned  exhorta- 


1 66  The  Siege  of  Boston 

tions  to  valor.  It  would  not  take  long, 
therefore,  for  the  neighboring  towns  to  send 
their  companies  to  reinforce  the  guard  of  ten 
men  which  Concord  set  over  its  stores  every 
night.  And  yet  the  province  was  not  satis 
fied  with  this  ancient  militia  organization, 
for  it  had  set  up  another  to  strengthen  it. 

The  militia  was  composed,  as  it  had  been 
since  the  foundation  of  the  colony,  of  the 
whole  body  of  male  inhabitants  of  proper 
military  age.  In  some  cases  even  clergymen 
drilled  in  the  ranks.  More  than  once  this 
militia  had  gathered  to  repel  an  expected 
attack  of  French  or  Indians ;  it  had  stood 
between  the  settlers  and  their  foes  from  the 
days  of  Miles  Standish  down  to  the  French 
and  Indian  War.  The  martial  spirit  still  pre 
vailed  among  the  youth  of  the  colony,  and 
each  town  took  pride  in  its  company.  In 
1774  John  Andrews  thus  records  his  innocent 
delight  in  the  appearance  of  the  Boston 
trainbands  :  — 

"Am  almost  every  minute  taken  off  with 
agreeable  sight  of  our  militia  companies 


Military  Preparations  167 

marching  into  the  Common,  as  it  is  a  grand 
field  day  with  us.  ...  They  now  vie  with 
the  best  troops  in  his  majesties  service,  being 
dress'd  all  in  blue  uniforms,  with  drums  and 
fifes  to  each  company  dress'd  in  white  uni 
forms  trim'd  in  y?  most  elegant  manner ; 
with  a  company  of  Grenadiers  in  red  with 
every  other  apparatus,  that  equal  any  regu 
lar  company  I  ever  saw  both  in  appearance 
and  discipline,  having  a  grand  band  of  musick 
consisting  of  eight  that  play  nearly  equal  to 
that  of  the  64th.  What  crowns  all  is  the 
Cadet  company,  being  perfectly  compleat 
and  under  the  best  order  you  can  conceive  of, 
with  a  band  of  musick  likewise,  that  perform 
admirably  well.  What  with  these  and  Pad 
dock's  company  of  artillery  make  y?  com- 
pletest  militia  in  America ;  not  a  drummer, 
fifer,  and  scarcely  a  soldier  but  what  are  in 
compleat  uniforms  and  thoroughly  instructed 
in  the  military  exercises." 

It  was  this  Boston  Cadet  company  that, 
at  the  affront  to  its  leader  Hancock  had  re 
turned  its  standard  to  the  governor  and  dis- 


168  The  Siege  of  Boston 

banded.  Gage  knew  too  well  that  others  of 
the  companies  were  thoroughly  disaffected. 
In  fact,  many  of  the  Boston  young  men  left 
the  town  before  hostilities  began,  and  were 
ready  to  join  with  their  country  brethren  in 
showing  that  their  military  training  was  worth 
something. 

Yet  early  in  the  fall  it  was  recognized  in 
the  colony  that  the  militia  system  was  not 
sufficient,  being  too  slow  of  movement  to 
meet  any  such  sudden  expedition  as  that 
which  Gage  sent  to  seize  the  powder.  It  is 
not  surprising,  therefore,  to  find  John  Andrews 
reporting  on  October  5  the  existence  of  a 
new  body  of  troops,  "which  are  call'd  minute 
men,  i.e.  to  be  ready  at  a  minute's  warning 
with  a  fortnight's  provision,  and  ammunition 
and  arms."  There  is  doubt  of  the  origin  of 
this  body,  but  it  was  first  officially  accepted 
in  Concord,  where  the  town  adopted  definite 
terms  of  enlistment,  the  more  important  of 
which  reads  :  — 

"We  will  ...  to  the  utmost  of  our  power 
and  abilities,  defend  all  and  every  of  our 


Military  Preparations  169 

charter  rights,  liberties,  and  privileges  ;  and 
will  hold  ourselves  in  readiness  at  a  minute's 
warning,  with  arms  and  ammunition  thus  to 
do."  1 

Tradition  says  that  the  terms  of  the  en 
listment  were  interpreted  literally,  and  that 
wherever  the  minute  men  went,  to  the  field, 
the  shop,  or  to  church,  gun  and  powder-horn 
and  bullet-pouch  were  ready  to  hand.  It  is 
scarcely  an  exaggeration  to  suppose  that,  as 
represented  by  French's  statue,  the  farmers 
actually  left  the  plough  in  the  furrow  and 
snatched  up  the  ready  rifle. 

One  further  preparation  was  also  made. 
The  rallying  point  was  possibly  Worcester, 
where  were  the  courts  and  some  few  stores ; 
but  it  was  more  probably  Concord.  The 
shortest  route  to  Concord,  or  to  the  road 
between  Concord  and  Boston,  was  known  to 
the  captain  of  every  company  of  minute  men 
within  a  hundred  miles.  But  that  the  cap 
tains  should  be  notified  of  any  emergency  was 
essential.  A  complete  system  of  couriers  for 

1  Tolman,  "The  Concord  Minute  Man,"  12. 


170  The  Siege  of  Boston 

spreading  news  was  projected  in  September, 
and  now  was  in  good  working  order,  so  that, 
with  Boston  as  a  radiating  point,  the  sum 
mons  could  be  sent  over  the  province  with 
the  greatest  rapidity.  By  virtue  of  his  effi 
ciency,  trustworthiness,  and  picturesque  per 
sonality,  Paul  Revere  is  accepted  as  the  type 
of  the  men  who  stood  ready  for  this  service. 

This  system,  further,  had  been  tested. 
The  spontaneous  response  to  the  Powder 
Alarm  in  September  had  been  ready  enough, 
for  the  men  of  Connecticut  and  New  Hamp 
shire  were  in  motion  before  the  next  day. 
But  through  the  winter  of  1774-1775  there 
had  been  minor  alarms  at  each  little  expedi 
tion  on  which  Gage  sent  his  soldiers.  By 
these  the  new  system  was  proved  efficient. 
Whether  the  troops  marched  to  Jamaica  Pond, 
to  the  "punch  bowl"  in  Brookline,  or  even 
went,  by  sea  and  land,  as  far  as  Salem,  the 
militia  of  the  surrounding  towns  showed  a 
prompt  curiosity  as  to  the  object  of  the 
excursion.  These  fruitless  musters,  far  from 
making  the  minute  men  callous  to  alarms, 


Military  Preparations  171 

served  to  prepare  them  to  meet  the  great 
occasion  which  they  foresaw  would  finally 
come.  For  that  they  were  in  excellent  prac 
tice. 

As  to  Concord  itself,  it  had  become  very 
important.  The  Congress,  which  after  its 
first  week  in  Concord  had  been  sitting  in 
Cambridge,  now  returned,  and  from  the  22d 
of  March  until  the  I5th  of  April  1  sat  daily 
in  the  meeting-house.  The  Committee  of 
Safety  remained  still  longer,  busy  with  the 
gathering  of  supplies.  It  is  within  this  period 
that  Berniere  and  Brown  came  on  their  spy 
ing  expedition  to  Concord,  and  were  directed 
by  a  woman  to  the  house  of  Daniel  Bliss.  A 
threat  of  the  Whigs  to  tar  and  feather  her 
sent  her  to  the  officers  for  refuge,  and  word 
presently  came  to  Bliss  that  the  Whigs 
"  would  not  let  him  go  out  of  the  town  alive 

1  I  take  many  facts  in  the  following  pages  from  the 
three  pamphlets  by  George  Tolman,  "The  Concord 
Minute  Man,''  "Preliminaries  of  Concord  Fight,"  and 
"Events  of  April  Nineteenth."  These,  published  by 
the  Concord  Antiquarian  Society,  are  invaluable  to 
the  student  of  this  period. 


172  The  Siege  of  Boston 

that  morning."  This  fate  the  officers  and 
their. host  avoided  by  leaving  in  the  night. 
What  became  of  the  woman  is  not  said,  but 
we  may  be  easy  about  her :  no  injury,  and  in 
fact  no  serious  indignity,  was  put  upon  a 
woman  in  New  England  at  this  period.  The 
officers  returned  to  Boston  with  a  report  of 
the  stores  in  Concord. 

This  may  have  increased  the  anxiety  of 
the  Committee  of  Safety.  Already  they  had 
voted,  "requiring  Colonel  Barrett  of  Concord 
to  engage  a  sufficient  number  of  faithful  men 
to  guard  the  Colony's  magazines  in  that 
town ;  to  keep  a  suitable  number  of  teams 
in  constant  readiness,  by  day  and  night,  to 
remove  the  stores  ;  and  to  provide  couriers 
to  alarm  the  neighboring  towns,  on  receiving 
information  of  any  movements  of  the  British 
troops."  1  A  watch  was  kept  upon  the  British 
movements;  and  finally,  when,  on  the  I5th, 
Warren  sent  Paul  Revere  from  Boston  with 
warning  of  suspicious  movements,  the  Com 
mittee  felt  that  soon  Gage  must  strike.  On 
1  "Preliminaries,"  23-24. 


Military  Preparations  173 

the  1 8th  it  ordered  the  removal  of  some  of 
the  stores.  "That  very  night,"  says  Tolman, 
without  knowledge  of  affairs  in  Boston,  the 
work  was  begun. 

Meanwhile,  in  response  to  another  vote  of 
the  committee,  the  British  had  been  under 
close  observation.  The  vote  was  that  "mem 
bers  of  this  Committee  belonging  to  the  towns 
of  Charlestown,  Cambridge,  and  Roxbury,  be 
required  at  the  Province  expense  to  procure 
at  least  two  men  for  a  watch  every  night  to 
be  placed  in  each  of  these  towns,  and  that 
said  members  be  in  readiness  to  send  couriers 
forward  to  the  towns  where  the  magazines 
are  placed,  when  sallies  are  made  by  the 
army  by  night."  In  view  of  these  prepara 
tions,  it  scarcely  needs  to  be  said  that  there 
was  nothing  accidental  about  Concord  fight. 
Some  day  Gage  was  bound  to  strike  at  Con 
cord,  and  for  that  day  the  Whigs  were  ready. 

It  is  now  that  Paul  Revere  comes  promi 
nently  into  the  course  of  events.  Revere  was 
a  Boston  craftsman  of  Huguenot  descent, 
who  was  and  is  well  known  as  a  silversmith, 


174  The  Siege  of  Boston 

engraver,  and  cartoonist.  His  prints  and 
articles  of  silverware  sell  to-day  for  high 
prices,  and  his  house  in  North  Square  has 
recently  been  fitted  up  as  a  public  museum, 
chiefly  on  account  of  a  single  act  at  a  critical 
moment.  One  is  glad  to  know,  however,  that 
Revere's  fame  is  not  accidental.  His  pictures 
are  historically  interesting ;  we  should  be  the 
poorer  without  his  prints  which  give  views  of 
Boston,  and  without  his  picture  of  the  Mas 
sacre.  His  silver  —  we  have  mentioned  his 
punch-bowl  for  the  "  immortal  Ninety-two" 
—  is  usually  beautiful.  From  the  foundry 
which  he  established  later  in  life  came  cannon, 
and  church-bells  which  are  in  use  to-day. 
And  finally  his  famous  ride,  the  object  of 
which  would  have  been  brought  about  had 
Revere  been  stopped  at  the  outset,  was  but 
one  out  of  many. 

"In  the  year  1773,"  says  Revere  of  him 
self,1  "I  was  employed  by  the  selectmen  of 

1  After  the  Revolution,  Revere  wrote  a  narrative  of 
the  events  in  which  he  was  concerned.  It  is  to  be  found 
in  several  books,  notably  Goff's  "Life  of  Revere." 


Military  Preparations 


175 


176  The  Siege  of  Boston 

the  town  of  Boston  to  carry  the  account  of 
the  Destruction  of  the  Tea  to  New  York,  and 
afterwards,  1774,  to  carry  their  despatches 
to  New  York  and  Philadelphia  for  calling  a 
Congress ;  and  afterwards  to  Congress  several 
times."  Revere  does  not  mention  the  fact 
that  he  was  himself  a  member  of  the  Tea- 
Party.  When  he  goes  on  to  speak  of  still 
more  important  events,  he  suppresses  the  fact 
that  he  was  one  of  the  leaders,  if  not  the 
chief  leader,  of  the  Boston  artisans. 

"In  the  fall  of  1774,  and  winter  of  1775, 
I  was  one  of  upwards  of  thirty,  chiefly  me 
chanics,  who  formed  ourselves  into  a  com 
mittee  for  the  purpose  of  watching  the  move 
ments  of  the  British  soldiers,  and  gaining 
every  intelligence  of  the  movements  of  the 
Tories.  We  held  our  meetings  at  the  Green 
Dragon  Tavern.  We  were  so  careful  that 
our  meetings  should  be  kept  secret,  that  every 
time  we  met,  every  person  swore  upon  the 
Bible  that  they  would  not  discover  any  of 
our  transactions  but  to  Messrs.  Hancock, 
Adams,  Doctors  Warren,  Church,  and  one  or 


Military  Preparations  177 

two  more.  ...  In  the  winter,  towards  the 
spring,  we  frequently  took  turns,  two  and 
two,  to  watch  the  soldiers,  by  patrolling  the 
streets  all  night." 

Such  was  the  watch,  then,  kept  upon  the 
royalists,  and  such  were  the  preparations  to 
receive  the  troops  when  they  should  march 
out.  We  know  now  that  Gage  was  informed 
of  them,  for  among  those  whom  Revere 
names  as  confidants  of  the  mechanics  there 
was  a  traitor  to  the  cause.  Yet  though  Gage 
knew  of  the  organization  of  the  Whigs,  of  its 
efficiency  he  had  apparently  not  the  glimmer 
of  an  idea.  It  was  with  no  expectation  of 
serious  results  that,  when  at  last  he  learned 
that  the  resolution  declaring  the  colonies  to 
be  in  rebellion  had  passed  Parliament,  he 
slowly  put  himself  in  motion  to  seize  the  stores 
of  the  provincials. 

The  Americans  were  keenly  aware  of  all 
his  movements.  There  were  two  common 
methods  of  leaving  the  town,  one  by  the 
Neck,  the  other  over  Charlestown  ferry.  But 
these  routes  lay  through  towns,  either  Rox- 


178  The  Siege  of  Boston 

bury  or  Charlestown,  and  to  march  so  openly 
meant  to  give  the  alarm.  The  Americans 
were  ready  for  Gage  to  take  a  third  route : 
across  the  Charles  by  means  of  boats,  and 
then  by  unfrequented  roads  until  striking  the 
highway  at  Cambridge  Common.  This  way 
the  Whigs  suspected  he  might  choose,  and  this 
they  found  he  did. 

Gage's  preparations  were  almost  open.  The 
boats  of  the  men-of-war  were  hauled  up  and 
repaired  at  the  foot  of  the  Common.  On  the 
I4th,  in  the  night,  they  were  launched,  and 
moored  at  the  sterns  of  the  men-of-war.  On 
the  1 5th  was  given  out  in  general  orders  that 
"'The  Grenadiers  and  Light  Infantry  in 
order  to  learn  Grenadrs.  Exercise  and  new 
evolutions  are  to  be  off  all  duties  till  further 
orders.'  -  -  This,"  remarks  Lieutenant  Barker 
of  the  King's  Own,  "I  suppose  is  by  way  of  a 
blind.  I  dare  say  they  have  something  for 
them  to  do." 

This  "something"  was  either  one  or  both 
of  two  objectives :  the  stores  at  Concord, 
and  the  persons  of  Adams  and  Hancock, 


Military  Preparations  179 

then  known  to  be  staying  at  the  house  of  the 
Reverend  Jonas  Clark  in  Lexington.  That 
this  latter  objective  was  seriously  considered, 
at  least  by  the  Americans,  we  shall  see  from 
Revere's  narrative.  There  never  has  been 
proof  that  Gage  endeavored  to  seize  either 
them  or  Warren.  But  in  any  case  the 
stores  were  in  danger,  and  strict  watch  was 
kept. 

There  was  evidence  enough  of  a  coming 
expedition.  As  before  the  Massacre,  there 
were  soldiers'  rumors  that  something  was  to 
happen,  and  the  name  of  Concord  was  whis 
pered  about.  On  the  night  of  the  i8th 
word  came  in  from  the  country  that  parties 
of  officers  were  riding  here  and  there.  This 
same  notice  was  sent  by  vigilant  patriots 
to  Hancock  at  Lexington.  In  Boston  itself 
different  persons  noticed  that  the  troops  were 
astir.  Word  of  all  this  came  from  various 
sources  to  Warren  who,  relinquishing  for  a 
while  his  sittings  with  the  Committee  of 
Safety,  had  for  some  days  been  working 
for  it  at  the  post  of  responsibility  and  danger. 


180  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Warren  finally  decided  that  he  must  act.  He 
sent  for  the  men  who  had  pledged  themselves 
for  this  service,  and  gave  them  his  directions. 

One  of  these  men  was  William  Dawes,  of 
whom,  except  for  his  actions  on  this  night, 
we  know  little.  Obeying  his  instructions,  he 
took  horse,  and  rode  across  the  Neck  to  go 
to  Lexington  by  way  of  Roxbury  and  Water- 
town. 

"About  ten  o'clock,"  writes  Revere,  "Dr. 
Warren  sent  in  great  haste  for  me,  and  begged 
that  I  would  immediately  set  off  for  Lex 
ington,  where  Messrs.  Hancock  and  Adams 
were,  and  acquaint  them  of  the  movement, 
and  that  it  was  thought  they  were  the  objects." 
Revere  was  ready.  In  returning  on  the  I5th 
he  had  arranged  signals  to  his  friends  in 
Charlestown  to  inform  them  what  route 
the  British  would  take ;  he  knew,  also,  how 
he  should  cross  —  for  the  ferry  was  closed 
at  nine  o'clock  —  and  where  he  should  get 
his  horse.  From  Warren's  Revere  went  home, 
got  his  "boots  and  surtout,"  and  started. 
Two  of  his  friends  rowed  him  to  Charles- 


THE  OLD  NORTH  CHURCH 

(From  which  Paul  Revere 's  signals  were  displayed.) 


Military  Preparations  181 

town  in  a  boat  which  was  kept  ready  for  the  pur 
pose,  another  was  already  despatched  to  make 
certain  of  the  route  the  British  would  take. 

Of  the  person  and  the  actions  of  this  other 
friend  there  has  been  much  dispute.  The 
weight  of  evidence  seems  to  show  that  on 
making  sure  of  the  route  of  the  British,  he 
went  to  the  Old  North  Church,  still  standing 
in  Salem  Street,  and  from  its  steeple  dis 
played  the  signal.  I  make  no  positive  asser 
tion  that  he  spent  any  time  in  watching  the 
British ;  Revere,  knowing  the  route,  may 
have  signalled  in  order  to  make  sure  that  the 
news  crossed  the  river,  even  though  he  him 
self  might  fail.  The  person  who  displayed  the 
signals  seems  to  have  been  one  Newman,  the 
sexton  of  the  church,  rather  than  Captain 
Pulling,  a  friend  of  Revere's.  At  any  rate, 
the  signals  were  hung  while  Revere  was 
crossing  the  river  to  Charlestown.  He  passed 
unobserved  not  far  from  the  Somerset  man- 
of-war,  and  remarks  that  "it  was  then  young 
flood,  the  ship  was  winding,  and  the  moon 
was  rising."  On  landing,  his  Charlestown 


182  The  Siege  of  Boston 

friends  told  him  they  had  already  seen  the 
signals.  Revere  (if  we  still  suppose  that  he 
needed  to  make  sure  of  the  route)  himself 
must  have  taken  a  look  at  the  signal  lanterns, 
as  in  Longfellow's  poem.  "Two  if  by  sea." 
This  poetical  language  means  merely  that  the 
troops  were  preparing  to  cross  the  river  in 
their  boats.  This  is  the  traditional  account 
of  Revere's  action.  A  contemporary  mem 
orandum  states,  however,  that  on  landing 
Revere  "informed  [us]  that  the  T  [troops] 
were  actually  in  the  boats." 

"I  got  a  horse,"  says  Revere,  "of  Deacon 
Larkin,"  which  horse  the  deacon  never  saw 
again.  Before  Revere  started  he  again  re 
ceived  warning  that  there  were  British  officers 
on  the  road,  but  he  was  quite  cool  enough  to 
take  note  of  the  beauty  of  the  night,  "about 
eleven  o'clock  and  very  pleasant."  Crossing 
Charlestown  Neck,  he  started  on  the  road  for 
Cambridge,  when  he  saw  before  him  two 
horsemen  under  a  tree.  As  Revere  drew  near, 
they  pushed  out  into  the  moonlight,  and  he 
saw  their  uniforms.  One  of  them  blocked 


Military  Preparations  183 

the  road,  the  other  tried  to  take  him,  and 
Revere,  turning  back,  galloped  first  for 
Charlestown  and  then  "pushed  for  the  Med- 
ford  road."  Revere  made  the  turn  success 
fully  ;  the  officer  who  followed,  ignorant  of 
the  locality,  mired  himself  in  a  clay  pond. 
Revere's  road  was  now  clear.  He  reached 
Medford,  and  roused  the  captain  of  the  minute 
men ;  then,  hastening  on  through  Menotomy, 
now  Arlington,  and  thence  to  Lexington, 
he  "  alarmed  almost  every  house."  He  reached 
Lexington  about  midnight,  and  went  directly 
to  the  house  of  the  Reverend  Jonas  Clark, 
where  Hancock  and  Adams  were  sleeping  under 
a  guard  of  the  militia.  Revere  asked  admit 
tance,  and  the  sergeant  informed  him  that  the 
family  had  requested  that  no  noise  be  made. 
"Noise!"  replied  Revere  in  the  phrase 
familiar  to  every  schoolboy,  "you'll  have 
noise  enough  before  long  --  the  regulars  are 
coming  out!"1  The  family  was  accordingly 
at  once  aroused. 

1  Most  of  these  facts  are  from  Frothingham's  "  Siege," 
57-59,  and  from  Revere's  letter. 


184  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Meanwhile  the  troops  had  actually  started. 
"Between  10  and  n  o'clock,"  says  Lieutenant 
Barker,  "all  the  Grenadiers  and  Light  In 
fantry  of  the  Army,  making  about  600  Men, 
(under  command  of  Lt.  Coll.  Smith  of 
the  loth  and  Major  Pitcairn  of  the  Marines,) 
embarked  and  were  landed  on  the  opposite 
shore  of  Cambridge  Marsh."  This  phras 
ing  is  not  immediately  clear  to  one  of  to-day. 
In  those  days  every  regiment  had  two  special 
companies,  the  heavy-armed  grenadiers,  so 
called  because  they  originally  carried  hand- 
grenades,  and  the  light-infantry  company. 
These  were  frequently  detached  for  special 
duty,  as  the  present,  when  the  Light  Infanty 
would  be  used  for  flanking  purposes.  Thus 
every  regiment  in  Boston  was  represented 
in  the  expedition  —  and  we  may  add  in  the 
list  of  killed  and  wounded  on  the  following 
day.  The  number  is  generally  estimated  at 
eight  hundred.  They  were  commanded  by 
the  colonel  who  had  been  longest  on  duty 
in  New  England.  Smith  was  in  character 
too  much  like  Gage  himself.  The  general 


Military  Preparations  185 

would  have  done  better  to  send  one  of  his 
brigadiers. 

One  at  least  of  the  brigadiers  was  reason 
ably  alert.  According  to  Stedman,  Lord 
Percy  was  crossing  the  Common  after  learning 
from  the  general  that  a  secret  expedition  had 
just  started.  Perceiving  a  group  of  men 
talking  together,  the  nobleman  joined  them 
in  time  to  hear  one  say,  "The  British  troops 
have  marched,  but  have  missed  their  aim." 

"What  aim  ?"  asked  Lord  Percy. 

The  reply  was,  "The  cannon  at  Concord." 

Percy,  in  much  perturbation,  at  once  re 
turned  to  the  general  and  told  him  that  his 
secret  was  known.  Poor  Gage  complained 
that  his  confidence  had  been  betrayed,  "for 
that  he  had  communicated  his  design  to  one 
person  only  besides  his  lordship." 

The  student  of  the  time  sees  in  this  story 
a  side-thrust  at  Mrs.  Gage,  on  whom,  as  an 
American,  the  officers  were  ready  to  blame 
the  knowledge  of  secrets  which  were  gained 
by  Yankee  shrewdness  alone.  In  this  case 
we  have  seen  that  it  was  Gage  that  betrayed 


1 86  The  Siege  of  Boston 

himself  to  the  eyes  of  Revere's  volunteer 
watch.  The  general  hastily  sent  to  order 
the  guard  at  the  Neck  to  let  no  one  leave 
the  town.  But  he  was  too  late  :  Dawes  was 
gone,  Revere  was  on  the  water,  and  the  news 
was  out. 

The  expedition  was  bungled  at  the  very 
start.  "After  getting  over  the  Marsh,  where 
we  were  wet  up  to  the  knees,"  says  Lieuten 
ant  Barker,  "we  were  halted  in  a  dirty  road 
and  stood  there  till  two  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing,  waiting  for  provisions  to  be  brought  from 
the  boats  and  to  be  divided,  and  which  most 
of  the  men  threw  away,  having  carried  some 
with  'em."  As  they  waited  there  they  might 
have  heard  signal  guns,  and  learned  that  in 
a  constantly  widening  circle  of  villages,  "the 
bells  were  rung  backward,  the  drums  they 
were  beat."  The  news  had  three  hours' 
start  of  them.  At  last,  at  two  on  the  I9th, 
having  "waded  through  a  very  long  ford 
up  to  our  middles,"  wet,  dirty,  and  loaded 
with  the  heavy  equipment  of  the  period,  they 
started  on  their  march. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE    NINETEENTH    OF    APRIL 

JOHN  HANCOCK  never  showed  better 
in  his  life  than  on  the  morning  of  the 
iQth  of  April.  Many  times  the  Tories 
had  tried  to  win  him  over.  Hutchinson 
himself  had  written:  "At  present,  Hancock 
and  Adams  are  at  variance.  Some  of  my 
friends  blow  the  coals,  and  I  hope  to  see  a 
good  effect."  Yet  Adams  and  Hancock  were 
still  enlisted  in  the  same  cause  on  this  morn 
ing  when  blood  was  to  be  shed.  And  Han 
cock,  when  roused  from  his  sleep  at  midnight, 
was  hot  with  the  desire  to  take  his  musket 
and  fight  on  Lexington  Green. 

Adams  and  his  friends  --  among  them  his 
sweetheart  —  dissuaded  him.  The  two  Whig 
leaders  finally  took  the  road  to  Woburn, 
and  in  the  succeeding  days  passed  on  to 
Worcester  and  Hartford,  planned  the  taking 

187 


1 88  The  Siege  of  Boston 

of  Ticonderoga,  and,  joining  the  other  delegates 
from  Boston,  in  May  met  with  the  second 
Continental  Congress.  If  Gage  had  meant 
to  seize  Hancock  and  Adams,  he  had  lost 
his  chance.  The  outcome  lay  in  the  hands 
of  the  fighting  men. 

Revere  waited  at  Mr.  Clark's  house  for 
about  half  an  hour,  when  Dawes  arrived. 
The  two  then  set  out  for  Concord,  and  were 
joined  on  the  way  by  "a  young  Dr.  Prescott, 
whom  we  found  to  be  a  high  son  of  liberty."1 
They  began  to  rouse  the  farmers  along  the 
road,  and  had  already  gone  halfway  when 
they  saw  in  the  road  horsemen  whom  Revere 
knew  at  once  to  be  British  officers.  Revere 
and  Prescott,  blocked  in  front  and  rear, 
turned  into  a  pasture;  but  this  was  a  trap 
where  other  officers  were  waiting.  Prescott, 
knowing  the  country,  put  his  horse  at  a  fence 
and  got  away ;  Revere  found  himself  sur 
rounded  by  six  horsemen  who,  with  swords 
and  pistols  ready,  ordered  him  to  dismount. 
There  was  nothing  for  him  to  do  but  comply. 
1  Revere's  narrative. 


The  Nineteenth  of  April  189 

Dawes,  who  had  been  behind  upon  the  road, 
turned  to  go  back,  and  was  pursued.  He 
rode  into  a  farmyard,  shouted  out  as  to  friends 
in  waiting,  and  frightened  off  his  pursuers. 
Both  he  and  Prescott  were  useful  in  spreading 
the  alarm  farther. 

But  Revere  was  caught.  His  chief  captor 
examined  him,  and  got  slight  satisfaction. 
"I  told  him,  and  added  that  their  troops 
had  catched  aground  in  passing  the  river 
and  that  there  would  be  five  hundred  Ameri 
cans  there  in  a  short  time,  for  I  had  alarmed 
the  country  all  the  way  up."  His  anxious 
captors  consulted  together,  and  were  con 
ducting  him  back  toward  Lexington,  "when 
the  militia  fired  a  volley  of  guns,  which 
seemed  to  alarm  them  very  much."  They 
asked  if  there  were  any  other  road  to  Cam 
bridge,  took  Revere's  horse,  and  left  him. 
He  hurried  back  to  Lexington,  to  give  Han 
cock  and  Adams  the  news  that  sent  them 
on  their  way.  Revere  himself  remained  long 
enough  to  save  a  trunk  of  papers  belonging  to 
Hancock. 


190  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Meanwhile  the  militia  of  the  town,  alarmed 
by  Revere,  assembled  and  waited  for  the 
troops.  They  sent  two  messengers  toward 
Cambridge  to  bring  certain  news,  but  each  of 
these  blundered  into  the  advancing  regulars, 
and  were  seized  and  held.  The  militia  waited 
for  some  hours,  but  on  hearing  no  word  they 
were  finally  dismissed,  with  a  warning  to  be 
ready  to  come  together  again  instantly.  Some 
went  to  their  homes,  some  to  the  near-by 
tavern,  to  finish  out  the  night. 

News  came  at  last  to  Captain  Parker  that 
the  British  were  scarcely  a  mile  away,  and 
in  such  numbers  that  his  company  could  not 
hope  to  oppose  them.  He  called  his  men 
together,  nevertheless,  "but  only  with  a  view 
to  determine  what  to  do,  when  and  where  to 
meet,  and  to  dismiss  and  disperse."  1  The 
minute  men  were  still  standing  in  their  ranks 
when  the  British  suddenly  appeared. 

The  succeeding  events  caused  much  con 
troversy  at  the  time.  Gage  reported  "that 
the  troops  were  fired  upon  by  the  rebels  out 

1  Clark's  narrative. 


The  Nineteenth  of  April  191 

of  the  meeting-house,  and  the  neighboring 
houses,  as  well  as  by  those  that  were  in  the 
field ;  and  that  the  troops  only  returned  the 
fire,  and  passed  on  their  way  to  Concord."  l 
But  in  number  the  little  company  of  minute 
men  were,  according  to  Revere,  who  had  just 
passed  through  them,  "about  fifty";  the  Rev 
erend  Jonas  Clark  says  "  fifty  or  sixty,  or  even 
seventy."  Had  there  been  even  the  two  or 
three  hundred  of  the  British  reports,  these 
men,  drawn  up  without  protection  on  an  open 
green,  are  scarcely  likely  to  have  attacked  a 
force  of  more  than  twice  their  number.  The 
logic  of  the  situation  seems  against  Gage. 

There  is  one  more  factor  to  consider.  It  is 
well  enough  known  that  both  the  British 
officers,  and  the  Americans  as  a  whole,  were 
under  instructions  not  to  fire,  and  earnest  to 
obey.  But  what  of  the  British  privates  ? 
Their  eagerness  for  blood  at  the  time  of  the 
Massacre  was  so  great  as  to  account  for  that 
tragedy ;  it  was  now  not  likely  to  be  less. 
There  were  even  among  the  troops  at  Lex- 

1  Clark's  narrative. 


192  The  Siege  of  Boston 

ington  two  companies  from  one  of  the  "Sam 
Adams  regiments."  When  we  learn  from 
Lieutenant  Barker  that  after  the  skirmish 
"the  Men  were  so  wild  they  cou'd  hear  no 
orders,"  we  may  even  suspect  that,  as  at  the 
Massacre,  the  men  may  have  taken  matters 
into  their  own  hands. 

"For,"  says  the  minister  of  Lexington,  "no 
sooner  did  they  come  in  sight  of  our  com 
pany,  but  one  of  them,  supposed  to  be  an 
officer  of  rank,  was  heard  to  say  to  the  troops, 
'  Damn  them,  we  will  have  them  ! '  —  Upon 
this  the  troops  shouted  aloud,  huzza'd,  and 
rushed  furiously  towards  our  men.  —  About 
the  same  time,  three  officers  (supposed  to  be 
Col.  Smith,  Major  Pitcairn  and  another 
officer)  advanced,  on  horse  back,  to  the  front 
of  the  body,  and  coming  within  five  or  six 
rods  of  the  militia,  one  of  them  cried  out,  'ye 
villains,  ye  Rebels,  disperse ;  Damn  you,  dis 
perse  !'  or  words  to  this  effect.  One  of 
them  (whether  the  same,  or  not,  is  not  easily 
determined)  said,  'Lay  down  your  arms, 
Damn  you,  why  don't  you  lay  down  your 


The  Nineteenth  of  April  193 

arms  !'•  -The  second  of  these  officers,  about 
this  time,  fired  a  pistol  towards  the  militia, 
as  they  were  dispersing.  -  -  The  foremost, 
who  was  within  a  few  yards  of  our  men, 
brandishing  his  sword,  and  then  pointing 
towards  them,  said,  with  a  loud  voice,  to  the 
troops,  '  Fire  !  -  -  By  God,  fire  ! '  •  -  which 
was  instantly  followed  by  a  discharge  of  arms 
from  the  said  troops,  succeeded  by  a  very 
heavy  and  close  fire  upon  our  party,  dispers 
ing,  so  long  as  any  of  them  were  within  reach. 
-  Eight  were  left  dead  upon  the  ground  ! 
Ten  were  wounded."  1 

This  is  the  best  contemporary  account 
which  we  have  of  the  affair.  It  is  evident 
from  his  careful  language  and  semi-legal 
terms  that  the  Reverend  Mr.  Clark,  though 
not  on  the  ground  until  half  an  hour  after 
wards,  took  all  possible  pains  to  gather  the 
facts,  and  considered  himself  upon  oath  in 
reporting  them.  He  was  himself  a  witness  of 
the  exultation  of  the  troops  at  their  victory, 
and  expresses  his  indignation. 
1  Clark's  narrative. 


194  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Tradition  gives  Major  Pitcairn,  of  the  Ma 
rines,  a  prominent  part  in  the  affair.  "  A 
good  man,"  says  Stiles,  "in  a  bad  cause," 
and  adds  that  had  Pitcairn  ever  been  able  to 
say  that  he  was  sure  the  Americans  fired 
first,  he  would  have  believed  him.  Honest 
Major  Pitcairn  could  only  state  his  belief. 

So  the  first  blood  in  the  Revolution  was 
spilt.  The  death  of  one  of  the  Americans, 
Jonathan  Harrington,  was  pitiful :  shot  within 
sight  of  his  home,  he  crawled  to  the  door,  and 
expired  at  his  wife's  feet.  To  the  heavy 
volleys  they  received,  the  Americans  returned 
but  a  scattering  fire ;  some  of  them  did  not 
fire  at  all.1  Two  British  privates  were 
wounded,  and  Pitcairn's  horse. 

The  troops,  as  soon  as  they  could  be 
marshalled  again,  fired  a  volley  and  gave 
three  cheers,  rested  for  a  little  while,  and 
marched  on  toward  Concord.  There,  since 
early  morning,  had  gathered  some  of  the 
militia  from  Bedford  and  Lincoln,  and  about 
sunrise  the  little  company  marched  out  of 

1  Clark's  narrative. 


The  Nineteenth  of  April  195 

town.  "  We  thought,"  says  Amos  Barrett 
quaintly,  "we  would  go  and  meet  the  British. 
We  marched  down  towards  Lexington  about 
a  mile  or  mile  and  a  half,  and  we  saw  them 
coming."  But  on  seeing  their  numbers  the 
militia  turned  back,  "and  marched  before 
them  with  our  drums  and  fifes  going,  and 
also  the  British.  We  had  grand  musick." 
The  provincials  halted  once  or  twice  on  the 
hill  that  ran  along  the  high  road,  and  came 
at  last  to  the  liberty  pole,  overlooking  the 
town.  "  The  Yankees,"  records  Lieutenant 
Barker  of  the  King's  Own,  "had  that  hill  but 
left  it  to  us  ;  we  expected  they  wou'd  have 
made  a  stand  there,  but  they  did  not  chuse 
it."  The  militia,  still  withdrawing  before 
superior  numbers,  retreated  across  the  river, 
and  the  British  occupied  the  town. 

In  place  of  the  five  bridges  which  to-day, 
within  a  mile  of  the  meeting-house,  encircle 
Concord,  the  town  in  1775  had  but  two. 
The  first  of  these  was  the  South  Bridge,  on 
the  present  Main  Street  route  to  Marlborough 

1  Letter  of  Amos  Barrett,  privately  printed. 


196  The  Siege  of  Boston 

and  South  Acton.  The  other  was  the  North 
Bridge,  on  a  highway  now  abandoned,  which 
in  those  days  led  to  Acton,  Carlisle,  and  Bed 
ford.  Colonel  Smith  took  possession  of  both 
these  bridges,  and  while  his  men  searched 
the  town  for  stores,  he  sent  a  detachment 
across  the  North  Bridge  to  the  farm  of 
Colonel  Barrett,  where  it  was  known  that 
supplies  had  been  kept.  Of  our  two  British 
informants  of  the  events  of  the  day,  Ensign 
Berniere  guided  the  troops  that  went  to  the 
Barrett  farm,  Lieutenant  Barker  remained 
with  a  detachment  that  stayed  to  guard  the 
bridge.  Meanwhile,  on  a  hillside  beyond  the 
river,  almost  within  gunshot  of  the  bridge, 
the  militia  watched  the  first  detachment  pass 
on  its  errand,  and  counted  the  numbers  of 
the  redcoats  that  held  the  nearer  side  of  the 
passage. 

Colonel  Smith  speedily  learned  that  his 
journey  had  been  nearly  in  vain.  As  we 
have  seen,  already  on  the  night  before,  with 
out  news  from  Boston,  the  removal  of  the 
stores  had  been  begun.  The  alarm  brought 


The  Nineteenth  of  April  197 

in  by  Dr.  Prescott  hastened  the  work.  Men 
and  boys,  and  even  women  and  girls,  were 
busy  in  hiding  the  stores  or  carrying  them 
away.  Some  of  them  were  skilfully  secreted 
under  the  very  eyes  of  the  British.  The 
troops  found  little.  In  the  town  some  few 
gun-carriages,  barrels  of  flour,  wooden  mess- 
bowls,  and  wooden  spoons  were  found  and 
destroyed.  At  Colonel  Barrett's,  acknowl 
edges  Berniere,  "we  did  not  find  so  much 
as  we  expected,  but  what  there  was  we  de 
stroyed.''  He  was  unaware  that  the  cannon 
had  been  laid  in  a  ploughed  field,  and  concealed 
by  turning  a  furrow  over  them,  the  work 
continuing  even  while  the  troops  were  in  sight. 
Of  proceedings  in  the  town  we  get  the  best 
picture  from  the  petition  of  Martha  Moulton, 
"widow- worn  an,"  who  in  her  deposition  "hum 
bly  sheweth  :  That  on  the  I9th  day  of  April, 
1775,  m  the  forenoon,  the  town  of  Concord, 
wherein  I  dwell,  was  beset  with  an  army  of 
regulars,  who,  in  a  hostile  manner,  entered 
the  town,  and  drawed  up  in  form  before  the 
house  in  which  I  live;  and  there  they  con- 


198  The  Siege  of  Boston 

tinued  on  the  green,  feeding  their  horses 
within  five  feet  of  the  door ;  and  about  fifty 
or  sixty  of  them  was  in  and  out  of  the  house, 
calling  for  water  and  what  they  wanted,  for 
about  three  hours."  The  neighbors  had  fled, 
and  poor  Mrs.  Moulton  was  left  with  "no 
person  near  but  an  old  man  of  eighty-five 
years,  and  myself  seventy-one  years  old,  and 
both  very  infirm.  It  may  easily  be  imagined 
what  a  sad  condition  your  petitioner  must  be 
in."  But  she  committed  herself  to  Provi 
dence,  "and  was  very  remarkably  helpt  with 
so  much  fortitude  of  mind,  as  to  wait  on 
them,  as  they  called,  with  what  we  had,  — 
chairs  for  Major  Pitcairn  and  four  or  five 
more  officers,  —  who  sat  at  the  door  viewing 
their  men.  At  length  your  petitioner  had, 
by  degrees,  cultivated  so  much  favor  as  to 
talk  a  little  with  them.  When  all  on  a  sudden 
they  had  .set  fire  to  the  great  gun-carriages 
just  by  the  house,  and  while  they  were  in 
flames  your  petitioner  saw  smoke  arise  out 
of  the  Town  House  higher  than  the  ridge  of 
the  house.  Then  your  petitioner  did  put  her 


The  Nineteenth  of  April  199 

life,  as  it  were,  in  her  hand,  and  ventured 
to  beg  of  the  officers  to  send  some  of  their 
men  to  put  out  the  fire ;  but  they  took  no 
notice,  only  sneered.  Your  petitioner,  seeing 
the  Town  House  on  fire,  and  must  in  a  few 
minutes  be  past  recovery,  did  yet  venture  to 
expostulate  with  the  officers  just  by  her,  as 
she  stood  with  a  pail  of  water  in  her  hand, 
begging  them  to  send,  &c.  When  they  only 
said,  '  O,  mother,  we  won't  do  you  any 
harm  !'  'Don't  be  concerned,  mother,'  and 
such  like  talk."  But  the  widow  Moulton  per 
sisted,  until  "at  last,  by  one  pail  of  water 
and  another,  they  did  send  and  extinguish 
the  fire."  *  It  is  pleasant  to  know  that  the 
courageous  old  lady  received  three  pounds  for 
her  services,  and  that  the  smoke  which  rose 
higher  than  the  Town  House  served  only  to 
give  the  signal  for  Concord  fight. 

All  this  while  the  numbers  of  the  militia 
had  been  growing.  They  were  stationed  on 
the  slope  of  Punkatasset  Hill,  and  from 
minute  to  minute  squads  and  companies 

1  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  Appendix,  369-370. 


2OO  The  Siege  of  Boston 

came  in  from  the  neighboring  towns.  It  has 
been  made  a  reproach  to  Concord  that  so 
few  of  her  men  were  there,  but  they  were 
engaged  in  the  far  more  important  duty  of 
saving  the  stores.  Nevertheless,  one  of  her 
militia  companies  was  on  the  ground,  with 
those  individuals  who  were  able  to  hurry 
back  after  putting  the  stores  in  safety.  The 
Carlisle  and  Acton  men  had  joined  the  wait 
ing  provincials,  whose  numbers  at  last  be 
came  so  threatening  that  the  guard  at  the 
bridge,  in  full  sight  of  them,  became  uneasy. 

The  militia  became  uneasy  also.  Beyond 
the  bridge,  in  the  town,  they  saw  more  smoke 
than  seemed  warranted  by  merely  burning 
cannon  wheels  and  spoons.  The  officers  con 
sulted,  and  Captain  Smith,  of  Lincoln,  urged 
that  the  bridge  be  forced.  Davis  of  Acton, 
speaking  of  his  company,  said,  "I  haven't  a 
man  that's  afraid  to  go  !"  The  movement 
was  decided  upon,  and  the  militia,  in  double 
file,  marched  down  toward  the  bridge.  The 
Acton  company  had  the  lead,  with  Davis  at 
its  head ;  beside  him  marched  Major  John 


The  Nineteenth  of  April  201 

Buttrick,  of  Concord,  in  command,  with 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Robinson,  of  Westford, 
as  a  volunteer  aid.  As  the  provincials  drew 
near,  the  British  hastily  retreated  across  the 
bridge,  and  their  commander  awkwardly  mar 
shalled  his  three  companies  one  behind  the 
other,  so  that  only  the  first  could  fire.  As 
some  of  the  soldiers  began  to  take  up  the 
planks  of  the  bridge,  the  Americans  hastened 
their  march,  and  presently  the  British  fired. 
There  is  no  question  that  they  began  the 
fight,  with  first  a  few  scattering  guns,  "up 
the  river,"  and  then  a  volley  at  close  range. 

The  whole  was  seen  by  the  Concord  min 
ister,  William  Emerson,  from  his  study  in  the 
Manse,  close  by.  For  a  moment,  he  records, 
he  feared  that  the  fire  was  not  to  be  returned ; 
but  he  need  not  have  doubted.  The  British 
volley  killed  the  Acton  captain,  Davis,  and 
Hosmer,  his  adjutant.  Then  Major  Buttrick, 
leaping  into  the  air  as  he  turned  to  his  men, 
cried,  "Fire,  fellow-soldiers;  for  God's  sake, 
fire!" 

"We   were   then,"    records   Amos    Barrett, 


2O2  The  Siege  of  Boston 

of  the  second  company,  "all  ordered  to  fire 
that  could  fire  and  not  kill  our  own  men." 
The  return  fire,  though  from  the  awkward 
position  of  double  file,  was  effective.  Two 
of  the  British  were  killed  outright,  another 
fell  wounded,  and  the  whole,  apparently 
doubting  their  ability  to  hold  the  bridge, 
hastily  retreated  upon  the  main  body.  "We 
did  not  follow  them,"  records  Barrett. 
6  There  were  eight  or  ten  that  were  wounded 
and  a-running  and  a-hobbling  about,  looking 
back  to  see  if  we  were  after  them." 

As  reminders  of  the  fight,  besides  the 
bridge  which  Concord,  many  years  after  its 
disappearance,  rebuilt  on  the  centenary  of 
the  day,  the  town  points  to  the  graves  of  the 
two  soldiers  killed  in  the  fight,  who  were 
buried  close  by.  Another  memorial  is  seen 
in  the  bullet-hole  in  the  Elisha  Jones  house 
near  at  hand,  at  whose  door  the  proprietor 
showed  himself  as  the  regulars  hastily  re 
treated.  On  being  fired  at,  Jones  speedily 
removed  himself  from  the  scene,  and  from 
subsequent  history. 


The  Nineteenth  of  April  203 

There  were  no  further  immediate  conse 
quences.  The  Americans  crossed  the  bridge, 
and  stationed  themselves  behind  the  ridge 
that  overlooked  the  town ;  the  search-party 
that  had  gone  to  Colonel  Barrett's  returned. 
"  They  had  taken  up  some  planks  of  the 
bridge,"  says  Berniere  of  the  Americans, 
though  the  work  was  done  by  the  British. 
"Had  they  destroyed  it,  we  were  most  certainly 
all  lost ;  however,  we  joined  the  main  body." 
Colonel  Smith  now  had  his  force  together, 
and  had  done  all  that  could  be  done,  yet  for 
two  hours  more  he,  by  futile  marchings  and 
countermarchings,  "discovered  great  Fickle 
ness  l  and  Inconstancy  of  Mind."  The  de 
lay  was  serious  ;  he  had  earlier  sent  to  Gage 
for  reinforcements,  and  he  ought  now  to  have 
considered  that  every  minute  was  bringing 
more  Americans  to  the  line  of  his  retreat. 
When,  about  noon,  he  started  for  Boston, 
the  situation  was  very  grave. 

The  British  left  the  town  as  they  had  come 

1  "Feekelness,"  Emerson's  letter,  "Source  Book  of 
the  American  Revolution,"  146. 


204  The  Siege  of  Boston 

in,  with  the  grenadiers  on  the  highway,  the 
light  infantry  flanking  them  on  the  ridge. 
On  this  elevation,  above  the  house  he  later 
inhabited,  Hawthorne  laid  the  scene  of  the 
duel  between  Septimius  Felton  and  the  British 
officer.  At  Merriam's  Corner  the  ridge  ends. 
Here  the  flankers  joined  the  main  body,  and 
together  noted  the  approach  of  the  Americans, 
who  had  dogged  them.  The  regulars  turned 
and  fired,  only  to  be  driven  onward  by  an 
accurate  response.  "  When  I  got  there,"  says 
Amos  Barrett,  "a  great  many  lay  dead,  and 
the  road  was  bloody."  From  that  time  en 
sued  a  scattering  general  engagement  along 
the  line  of  the  retreat. 

In  this  kind  of  fighting  the  odds  were 
greatly  with  the  Americans,  as  Gage,  with 
his  memory  of  Braddock's  defeat,  might  have 
foreseen.  The  British  complained  with  exas 
peration  that  the  militia  would  not  stand 
up  to  them.  The  provincials  knew  better 
than  to  do  so.  Lightly  armed,  carrying  lit 
tle  besides  musket  or  rifle,  powder  horn  and 
bullet-pouch, —  and  all  these  smaller  and 


The  Nineteenth  of  April  205 

lighter  than  the  British  equipment,  -  -  the 
farmers  were  able  with  ease  to  keep  up  with 
the  troops,  to  fire  from  cover,  to  load,  and 
then  again  to  regain  the  distance  lost.  Every 
furlong  saw  their  numbers  increase.  At  Mer- 
riam's  Corner  came  in  the  Reading  company ; 
before  long  the  survivors  of  the  Lexington 
company  joined  the  fight  to  take  their  revenge  ; 
and  from  that  time  on,  from  north,  from 
south,  and  from  the  east,  the  minute  men  and 
militia  came  hurrying  up  to  join  the  chase. 

Before  five  miles  were  passed,  the  retreat 
had  degenerated  into  a  mere  rout.  "  We  at 
first,"  says  Berniere,  "  kept  our  order  and 
returned  their  fire  as  hot  as  we  received 
it,  but  when  we  arrived  within  a  mile  of 
Lexington,  our  ammunition  began  to  fail,  and 
the  light  companies  were  so  fatigued  with 
flanking  they  were  scarce  able  to  act,  and  a 
great  number  of  wounded  scarce  able  to  get 
forward,  made  a  great  confusion ;  Col.  Smith 
(our  commanding  officer)  had  received  a  wound 
through  his  leg,  a  number  of  officers  were  also 
wounded,  so  that  we  began  to  run  rather 


206  The  Siege  of  Boston 

than  retreat  in  order.  ...  At  last,  after 
we  got  through  Lexington,  the  officers  got  to 
the  front  and  presented  their  bayonets,  and 
told  the  men  that  if  they  advanced  they 
should  die :  Upon  this  they  began  to  form 
under  a  heavy  fire."  There  was,  however/ no 
hope  for  them  unless  they  should  be  reinforced. 
In  the  nick  of  time  the  succor  came.  Early 
in  the  morning  Gage  had  received  word  that 
the  country  was  alarmed,  and  started  to  send 
out  reinforcements.  There  were  the  usual 
delays  ;  among  other  mistakes,  they  waited  for 
Pitcairn,  who  was  with  the  first  detachment. 
The  relief  party  as  finally  made  up  com 
prised  about  twelve  hundred  men,  with  two 
six-pounder  field-pieces,  under  Lord  Percy. 
Percy  went  out  through  Roxbury  with  his 
band  playing  Yankee  Doodle,  and  as  he  went 
a  quick-witted  lad  reminded  him  of  Chevy 
Chase.  More  than  once  before  night  Percy 
must  have  thought  of  the  Whig  youngster. 
He  was  momentarily  delayed  at  the  Cam 
bridge  bridge,  where  the  Committee  of  Safety 
had  taken  up  the  planks,  but  had  frugally 


The  Nineteenth  of  April  207 

stored  them  in  full  view  of  the  road.  Percy 
relaid  some  of  the  planks  and  hurried  on 
with  his  guns,  leaving  behind  his  baggage 
train  and  hospital  supplies,  which  were  pres 
ently  captured  by  a  company  headed  by  a 
warlike  minister.  Percy  was  again  delayed 
on  Cambridge  Common  for  want  of  a  guide ; 
when  again  he  was  able  to  push  on  he  spared 
no  time,  and  reached  Lexington  at  the  criti 
cal  moment.  He  formed  his  men  into  a  hol 
low  square,  to  protect  Smith's  exhausted 
men,  who  threw  themselves  down  on  the 
ground,  "their  tongues  hanging  out  of  their 
mouths  like  those  of  dogs  after  a  chase." 
Percy  turned  on  the  militia  his  two  field- 
pieces,  "which  our  people,"  grimly  remarks 
Mr.  Clark,  writing  after  Bunker  Hill,  "were 
not  so  well  acquainted  with  then,  as  they 
have  been  since."  Percy  had  the  satisfaction, 
which  both  Berniere  and  Barker  express,  of 
silencing  the  provincials. 

1  This  quotation  from  Stedman,  himself  a  British 
officer,  is  perhaps  as  well  known  as  Revere's  midnight 
remark,  already  given. 


2o8  The  Siege  of  Boston 

He  knew  too  well,  however,  that  the  Ameri 
cans  were  willing  to  be  quiet  only  because 
they  awaited  their  own  reinforcements.  Every 
minute  of  delay  was  dangerous,  for  now  the 
American  military  leaders  were  gathering. 
If  Hancock  and  Adams  had  left  the  field, 
Warren  hastened  to  it.  We  know  some  of  his 
sayings  as  he  left  Boston.  "They  have  be 
gun  it,  —  that  either  party  can  do ;  and  we'll 
end  it,  —  that  only  one  can  do."  To  the 
remark,  "Well,  they  are  gone  out,"  he  re 
plied,  "Yes,  and  we  will  be  up  with  them 
before  night."  Warren  probably  was  present 
at  a  meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Safety 
which  was  held  that  morning,  but  his  biog 
rapher  says:  "I  am  unable  to  locate  him 
until  the  afternoon,  about  the  time  Lord 
Percy's  column  rescued  Colonel  Smith's  party 
from  entire  destruction,  which  was  at  two 
o'clock." 

Warren  was  no  mere  adviser.  With  Gen 
eral  Heath  he  had  been  planning  for  the  work 
of  the  day,  and  when,  after  half  an  hour's 
rest,  Percy's  troops  moved  onward,  the 


The  Nineteenth  of  April  209 

time  came  for  the  measures  to  be  put  into 
effect.  Warren  went  with  Heath  to  the 
scene  of  battle.  Yet  little  could  be  done  in 
organized  form,  at  least  in  the  open  country, 
and  the  minute  men  continued  to  pick 
off  the  British.  But  when  the  troops  were 
among  houses,  and  in  revenge  for  their  losses 
began  to  plunder  1  and  burn,  the  Americans 
for  the  first  time  began  to  close  in.  Many 
of  them  fired  from  barricaded  houses,  and 
were  killed  in  consequence.  The  Danvers 
company,  the  only  one  that  tried  to  fight  as 
a  body,  were  caught  between  the  main  col 
umn  of  the  regulars  and  a  strong  flanking 
party,  and  many  were  killed  in  an  improvised 
enclosure.  But  even  without  defences  the 
Americans  became  very  bold,  and  the  fight 
fiercer.  Warren,  rashly  exposing  himself,  had 
a  pin  shot  out  of  his  hair.  Percy,  on  the  other 
hand,  lost  a  button  from  his  waistcoat. 
Nothing  can  explain  the  comparatively  slight 

1  "The  plundering  was  shameful,"  says  Lieutenant 
Barker  indignantly.  See  also  depositions  in  Froth- 
ingham's  "Siege,"  Appendices. 


2io  The  Siege  of  Boston 

losses  of  the  British  except  the  rapidity  of 
their  march  to  safety.  As  it  was,  the  regulars 
were  almost  worn  out  with  their  exertions 
when  they  saw  ahead  of  them  the  hills  of 
Charlestown,  and  looking  across  the  Back  Bay, 
might  perceive  on  the  slopes  of  Beacon  Hill 
half  the  population  of  Boston  watching  their 
disgrace. 

Boston  had  been  in  suspense  since  early 
morning.  All  the  Whigs  had  suspected  the 
meaning  of  Gage's  preparations,  and  the 
town  was  no  sooner  astir  than  the  news  was 
abroad  that  the  expedition  had  started. 
Next  came  word  that  an  officer  had  come 
in  haste  with  a  message  for  Gage.  At  about 
eight  came  news  of  the  death  of  five  men  in 
Lexington.  Already  Lord  Percy's  detach 
ment  was  parading,  waiting  for  the  Marines, 
who  in  turn  waited  for  their  absent  com 
mander.  Thousands  of  people  were  in  the 
street,  and  even  the  schoolboys  were  running 
about,  for  Master  Lovell  had  dismissed  his 
school  with  the  words,  "War's  begun,  and 
school's  done."  Through  the  day  came  con- 


The  Nineteenth  of  April  211 

flicting  rumors.  "About  twelve  o'clock  it  was 
gave  out  by  the  General's  Aide  camps  that 
no  person  was  kilPd,  and  that  a  single  gun 
had  not  been  fir'd,  which  report  was  variously 
believ'd."  1  Fairly  correct  accounts  of  the 
fight  at  Lexington  began  to  come  in,  em 
bellished  with  the  addition  that  men  had  been 
killed  in  the  meeting-house.  In  the  after 
noon  people  began  to  watch  from  the  hills 
for  the  return  of  the  troops,  and  before  sun 
set  the  noise  of  firing  was  heard. 

Of  the  three  British  commanders,  Lord 
Percy  was  the  only  one  who  displayed  any 
military  ability.  He  showed  it  in  the  route 
which  he  chose  for  his  retreat.  From  Cam 
bridge  Common,  where  at  last  he  arrived, 
the  road  to  Boston  was  long,  and  was  broken 
by  the  bridge  whose  difficult  passage  in 
the  morning  he  remembered.  Therefore  he 
avoided  it  —  and  wisely,  for  the  planks  of 
the  bridge  were  up  again,  and  this  time  in 
use  as  barricades,  while  the  militia  were 
ready  for  him.  Instead,  Percy  shook  off 
1  Andrews  Letters. 


212  The  Siege  of  Boston 

many  of  his  waylayers,  and  saved  some  miles 
of  march,  by  taking  the  direct  road  to  Charles- 
town.  Yet  even  this  route  was  hard  beset. 
"I  stood  upon  the  hills  in  town,"  says  An 
drews,  "and  saw  the  engagement  very  plain." 
Many  a  Whig  exulted  as  he  watched,  many 
a  Tory  cursed,  at  the  sight  of  the  weary 
regulars  struggling  forward,  and  of  red  figures 
that  dropped  and  lay  still.  Percy  was  barely 
in  time.  Had  the  men  of  Essex,  whose 
strong  regiment  arrived  just  too  late,  been 
quick  enough  to  intercept  them,  and  reso 
lute  enough  to  throw  themselves  across  the 
retreat,  it  is  more  than  likely  that  Percy 
must  have  surrendered,  for  his  ammunition 
was  almost  gone.  The  exasperation  of  the 
Americans  at  losing  their  prey  was  later 
expressed  in  a  court-martial  of  the  Essex 
colonel.  At  any  rate,  Percy  was  not  headed, 
and  the  regulars  at  last  streamed  across 
Charlestown  Neck,  to  find  protection  under 
the  guns  of  the  fleet. 

"  Thus,"     grumbles     Lieutenant     Barker, 
"ended   this    expedition,    which    from   begin- 


The  Nineteenth  of  April  213 

ning  to  end  was  as  ill  plan'd  and  ill  executed 
as  it  was  possible  to  be.  .  .  .  For  a  few 
trifling  Stores  the  Grenadiers  and  Light  In 
fantry  had  a  march  of  about  50  miles  (going 
and  returning)  and  in  all  human  probability 
must  every  Man  have  been  cut  off  if  the 
Brigade  had  not  fortunately  come  to  their 
Assistance." 

Speaking  for  the  reinforcing  brigade,  Lord 
Percy  confessed  that  he  had  learned  some 
thing.  "Whoever  looks  upon  them  [the 
Americans]  merely  as  an  irregular  mob  will 
find  himself  much  mistaken.  They  have 
men  among  them  who  know  very  well  what 
they  are  about,  having  been  employed  as 
rangers  against  the  Indians  and  Arcadians. 
.  .  .  Nor  are  several  of  their  men  void  of  a 
spirit  of  enthusiasm,  .  .  .  for  many  of  them 
concealed  themselves  in  houses,  and  advanced 
within  ten  yards  to  fire  at  me  and  other 
officers,  though  they  were  morally  certain  of 
being  put  to  death.  .  .  .  For  my  part  I 
never  believed,  I  confess,  that  they  would 
have  attacked  the  King's  troops,  or  have  had 


214  The  Siege  of  Boston 

the  perseverance  I  found  in  them  yester 
day."  1 

This  was  the  day  which  Massachusetts 
now  celebrates  as  Patriots'  Day.  Of  her  sons 
forty-nine  were  killed,  thirty-nine  were 
wounded,  and  five  were  taken  prisoners. 
Berniere's  figures  of  the  British  losses  are  73 
killed,  174  wounded,  and  26  missing.  The 
totals,  for  a  day  more  important,  as  says 
Bancroft,  than  Agincourt  or  Blenheim,  are 
very  small.  But  the  significance  of  the  day 
was  indeed  enormous.  Previously,  said  War 
ren,  not  above  fifty  persons  in  the  province 
had  expected  bloodshed,  and  the  ties  to 
England  were  still  strong.  Within  ten  weeks 
Warren  himself  had  written  of  England  as 
"home."  After  this  day  there  was  no  turn 
ing  back  from  bloodshed,  and  no  American 
ever  again  spoke  of  Britain  by  the  endearing 
name. 

And  the  military  situation  was  entirely 
changed.  In  the  morning  Gage  was  still 
the  nominal  governor  of  the  province,  free 

1  "Memorial  History  of  Boston,"  iii,  102. 


The  Nineteenth  of  April  215 

to  come  and  go  at  will.  At  night  he  looked 
out  upon  a  circle  of  hostile  camp-fires.  "  From 
a  plentiful  town,"  says  Berniere  mournfully, 
"we  were  reduced  to  the  disagreeable  neces 
sity  of  living  on  salt  provisions,  and  fairly 
blocked  up  in  Boston." 


CHAPTER  IX 

BOSTON    BELEAGUERED 

GAGE  and  his  army  were  at  first  sur 
rounded  by  a  mere  collection  of 
militia  companies.  As  the  pursuit 
ceased  on  the  evening  of  the  igih  the  baffled 
Americans  withdrew  from  the  range  of  the 
guns  of  the  fleet.  As  well  as  they  could  they 
gathered  into  their  organizations  and  made 
some  kind  of  a  camp,  sleeping  either  out  of 
doors,  or  in  convenient  houses.  A  watch 
was  set  at  Charlestown  Neck,  and  at  Rox- 
bury  Prescott  of  Pepperell  and  his  men  stood 
on  guard  against  a  sortie.  The  circuit  be 
tween  these  points,  comprising  the  whole 
sweep  of  the  Charles  River  and  the  Back  Bay, 
was  likewise  occupied.  Headquarters  were  at 
Cambridge.  On  the  following  days  men  from 
the  more  distant  towns  came  in,  until  before 
long  the  minute  men  and  militia  from  the 

216 


Boston  Beleaguered  217 

adjoining  provinces,  New  Hampshire,  Rhode 
Island,  and  Connecticut,  were  upon  the  ground. 

Some  of  the  records  are  striking.  The  men 
of  Nottingham,  New  Hampshire,  gathered  by 
noon  of  the  2Oth  and,  after  being  joined 
by  men  of  the  neighboring  towns,  set  out 
at  two  o'clock.  "At  dusk,"  says  Bancroft, 
"they  reached  Haverhill  Ferry,  a  distance  of 
twenty-seven  miles,  having  run  rather  than 
marched ;  they  halted  in  Andover  only  for 
refreshments,  and,  traversing  fifty-five  miles 
in  less  than  twenty  hours,  by  sunrise  of  the 
twenty-first  paraded  on  Cambridge  common."  l 

Israel  Putnam,  working  on  his  farm  in 
Brooklyn,  Connecticut,  received  the  news  the 
morning  after  the  fight  at  Concord.  He 
left  his  work  at  once,  and,  mounting  a  horse, 
started  out  to  rouse  the  militia,  who,  upon 
mustering,  chose  him  leader.  As  his  idea  of 
a  leader  was  one  who  went  in  front,  he  set 
out  at  once  for  Boston,  ordering  them  to 
follow.  He  arrived  in  Cambridge  at  the 
time  when  the  Nottingham  men  are  reported 

1  Bancroft,  iv,  535. 


218  The  Siege  of  Boston 

as  parading,  "having  ridden  the  same  horse 
a  hundred  miles  in  eighteen  hours."  l 

Others  followed  in  similar  haste.  Among 
them,  Benedict  Arnold  first  began  to  attract 
to  himself  public  notice.  Sabine  says  of  him, 
"  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  that  he  was  a  finished 
scoundrel  from  early  manhood  to  his  grave." 
Nevertheless,  his  fiery  nature  kept  him  for  a 
time  with  the  Americans,  and  at  the  very  out 
set  he  showed  his  independent  spirit,  having 
characteristically  refused  to  "wait  for  proper 
orders."  From  New  Hampshire  came  Stark, 
the  hero  of  the  frontier  wars.  And  from  all  the 
towns  came  the  militia  leaders,  who,  gathering 
their  companies  into  regiments,  began  the 
loose  organization  and  crude  subordination 
which  should  make  of  the  crowd  an  army. 

In  all  this  convergence  of  the  militia  toward 
Boston,  there  was  one  side  current.  This  set 
toward  Marshfield,  where  for  some  weeks  had 
been  a  detachment  of  regulars.  During  this 
time  there  had  been  peace  in  the  town  but 
strong  feeling  on  both  sides  —  Marshfield  had 

1  Bancroft,  iv,  536. 


Boston  Beleaguered  219 

already  produced  a  general  for  the  king,  and 
now  was  about  to  give  one  to  the  provincials. 
There  had  been  one  or  two  threatening  demon 
strations  from  neighboring  towns,  which  now 
were  repeated  in  earnest.  On  hearing  the 
news  from  Lexington  and  Concord,  the  militia 
of  the  neighborhood  gathered  for  an  attack 
on  the  regulars.  But  they  came  too  late. 
The  British  were  embarking  at  Brant  Rock, 
hastened  by  the  signal  guns  of  the  Marsh- 
field  men  from  a  neighboring  hill.  Yet 
though  the  regulars  got  safely  away,  they 
left  behind  them  the  three  hundred  muskets 
with  which  the  Tory  militia  had  drilled,  and 
which  presently  formed  a  part  of  the  equip 
ment  of  the  Whigs  before  Boston.  That 
equipment,  while  most  irregular,  was  not  to 
be  despised.  By  the  22d  a  strong  army  cov 
ered  all  land  approach  to  Gage,  who  began  to 
consider  himself  between  two  fires. 

"The  regulars  encamped,"  says  one  British 
account  of  the  Concord  expedition,  "on  a 
place  called  Bunker's  Hill."  1  There,  under 

1  "Memorial  History  of  Boston,"  iii,  15. 


22O  The  Siege  of  Boston 

the  guns  of  the  fleet,  the  tired  troops  found 
safety ;  and  there,  for  all  that  any  one  can 
see,  it  would  have  been  wise  of  Gage  to  leave 
them.  With  Bunker  Hill  at  his  command, 
and  with  Dorchester  Heights  once  occupied 
by  his  forces,  Boston  would  be  safe  from  all 
attack  by  the  Americans  —  and  not  till  then. 

But  on  the  next  morning  Gage  withdrew 
the  troops  to  Boston.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
he  doubted  his  own  strength,  and  greatly 
exaggerated  the  power  of  the  rebels,  since  his 
first  sensation  was  a  dread  lest  the  town 
should  rise  at  his  back,  and  his  army  be 
destroyed.  Of  this  there  was  no  real  chance  at 
any  time.  Yet  he  drew  in  his  men  in  order 
to  make  himself  secure,  and  began  with  the 
selectmen  negotiations  looking  to  his  safety. 

There  were  many  in  the  town  who  were 
eager  to  leave  it,  and  many  outside  anxious 
to  come  in.  The  governor  made  the  rule 
that  for  the  purpose  of  taking  out  family 
effects  but  thirty  wagons  might  enter  the 
town  at  a  time.  The  ruling  drew  from  War 
ren  the  following  very  characteristic  letter. 


Boston  Beleaguered  221 

CAMBRIDGE,  April  20,  1775. 

SIR:  —  The  unhappy  situation  into  which  this 
colony  is  thrown  gives  the  greatest  uneasiness  to 
every  man  who  regards  the  welfare  of  the  em 
pire,  or  feels  for  the  distresses  of  his  fellow-men  : 
but  even  now  much  may  be  done  to  alleviate 
those  misfortunes  which  cannot  be  entirely 
remedied  ;  and  I  think  it  of  the  utmost  importance 
to  us,  that  our  conduct  be  such  as  that  the  con 
tending  parties  may  entirely  rely  upon  the  honor 
and  integrity  of  each  other  for  the  punctual  per 
formance  of  any  agreement  that  shall  be  made 
between  them.  Your  Excellency,  I  believe,  knows 
very  well  the  part  I  have  taken  in  public  affairs  : 
I  ever  scorned  disguise.  I  think  I  have  done  my 
duty  :  some  will  think  otherwise;  but  be  assured, 
sir,  as  far  as  my  influence  goes,  everything  which 
can  reasonably  be  required  of  us  to  do  shall  be 
done,  and  everything  promised  shall  be  religiously 
performed.  I  should  now  be  very  glad  to  know 
from  you,  sir,  how  many  days  you  desire  may  be 
allowed  for  such  as  desire  to  remove  to  Boston 
with  their  effects,  and  what  time  you  will  allow 
the  people  in  Boston  for  their  removal.  When 
I  have  received  that  information,  I  will  repair  to 
congress,  and  hasten,  as  far  as  I  am  able,  the 
issuing  a  proclamation.  I  beg  leave  to  suggest, 


222  The  Siege  of  Boston 

that  the  condition  of  admitting  only  thirty 
wagons  at  a  time  into  the  town  appears  to  me  to 
be  very  inconvenient,  and  will  prevent  the  good 
effects  of  a  proclamation  intended  to  be  issued 
for  encouraging  all  wagoners  to  assist  in  removing 
the  effects  from  Boston  with  all  possible  speed. 
If  Your  Excellency  will  be  pleased  to  take  the 
matter  into  consideration,  and  favor  me,  as  soon  as 
may  be,  with  an  answer,  it  will  lay  me  under  a  great 
obligation,  as  it  so  nearly  concerns  the  welfare  of  my 
friends  in  Boston.  I  have  many  things  which  I 
wish  to  say  to  Your  Excellency,  and  most  sincerely 
wish  that  I  had  broken  through  the  formalities 
which  I  thought  due  to  your  rank,  and  freely  told 
you  all  I  knew  or  thought  of  public  affairs ;  and 
I  must  ever  confess,  whatever  may  be  the  event, 
that  you  generously  gave  me  such  opening,  as 
I  now  think  I  ought  to  have  embraced :  but 
the  true  cause  of  my  not  doing  it  was  the 
vileness  and  treachery  of  many  persons  around 
you,  who,  I  supposed,  had  gained  your  entire 
confidence. 

I  am,  &c., 

JOSEPH  WARREN. 

His  Excellency  General  Gage.1 

1  Frothingham's  "Warren,"  467. 


Boston  Beleaguered  223 

In  striking  contrast  to  the  manly  regret 
expressed  by  Warren  in  this  letter  is  the 
scene  enacted  that  afternoon  at  Cambridge, 
where  the  Committee  of  Safety  met.  Doctor 
Benjamin  Church,  one  of  the  trusted  leaders 
of  the  Whigs,  an  orator  on  the  Massacre,  and 
a  pamphleteer,  was  a  member  of  the  com 
mittee,  for  which  Warren  had  recently  en 
gaged  Paul  Revere  as  messenger.  Revere 
writes,  in  the  letter  already  quoted  :  "I  was 
sitting  with  some,  or  near  all  that  commit 
tee,  in  their  room  ...  in  Cambridge.  Dr. 
Church,  all  at  once,  started  up.  'Dr.  War 
ren,'  said  he,  'I  am  determined  to  go 
into  Boston  to-morrow.'  (It  set  them  all 
a-staring.)  Dr.  Warren  replied:  'Are  you 
serious,  Dr.  Church  ?  They  will  hang  you 
if  they  catch  you  in  Boston.'  He  replied : 
i  I  am  serious,  and  am  determined  to  go 
at  all  adventures.'  After  a  considerable 
conversation,  Dr.  Warren  said :  '  If  you  are 
determined,  let  us  make  some  business  for  you.' 
They  agreed  that  he  should  go  and  get  medicine 

for  their  and  our  wounded  officers."  l 
1  Revere's  narrative. 


224  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Church  was  the  first  American  traitor. 
Although  possessed  of  all  the  Whig  secrets, 
he  had  for  some  months,  perhaps  longer, 
been  in  communication  with  Gage.  His  jour 
ney  to  town  was  for  the  purpose  of  delivering 
information,  and  for  some  time  yet  he  managed 
to  carry  on  the  double  role.  Nevertheless  his 
information,  put  in  the  hands  of  Gage,  did 
no  harm.  It  throws  but  one  more  light  upon 
the  incompetence  of  the  general  that,  with 
such  information  as  Church  now  gave  him,  he 
blundered  so  continually. 

We  learn  from  John  Andrews'  letters  of 
the  agreement  made  between  Gage  and  the 
town.  "Yesterday,"  he  writes  on  the  24th, 
"we  had  town  meetings  all  day,  and  finally 
concluded  to  deliver  up  all  our  arms  to  the 
Selectmen,  on  condition  that  the  Governor 
would  open  the  avenues  to  the  town."  In 
this  agreement  the  townspeople  were  advised 
by  the  Committee  of  Safety  to  join.  Accord 
ingly,  there  were  delivered  to  the  Selectmen, 
and  lodged  in  Faneuil  Hall,  "1778  fire-arms, 
634  pistols,  978  bayonets,  and  38  blunder- 


Boston  Beleaguered  225 

busses."  1  These  were  marked  with  their 
owners'  names,  and  were  later  to  be  restored. 
As  soon  as  this  delivery  of  arms  was  effected, 
hundreds  applied  for  passes  to  leave  the 
town.  Andrews  must  have  reflected  the  feel 
ings  of  many  when  he  wrote,  "If  I  can  escape 
with  the  skin  of  my  teeth,  shall  be  glad." 

There  were  for  a  few  days  much  hurry 
and  bustle,  both  of  egress  and  of  ingress.  At 
first  as  many  as  wished  were  allowed  to  go 
out,  and  the  chief  difficulty  was  one  of  trans 
portation.  It  is  to  be  supposed  that  for  a 
while  the  admiral  kept  to  his  agreement  to 
lend  boats  to  the  refugees.  There  was  a  very 
considerable  exodus.  "Near  half  the  inhab 
itants,"  wrote  Andrews  on  May  6,  "have  left 
the  town  already,  and  another  quarter,  at 
least,  have  been  waiting  for  a  week  past." 
Andrews  probably  exaggerated,  yet  hundreds 
of  the  better  class  went  out,  and  about  five 
thousand  of  the  poor.  These  latter  were 
quartered  among  the  different  towns  at  pub 
lic  expense. 

1  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  95. 


226  The  Siege  of  Boston 

But  the  outflow  from  Boston  was  speedily 
checked.  On  the  6th  Andrews  was  still  in 
Boston,  and  making  up  his  mind  to  stay 
on  account  of  his  property,  but  still  anxious 
to  secure  a  pass  for  his  wife,  whose  personal 
fears  —  she  was  an  aesthetic  person,  an  amateur 
artist  whose  landscapes  Lord  Percy  had  ad 
mired  —  were  greater  than  her  interest  in 
her  husband's  safety.  She  did  safely  get 
away,  amid  the  miserable  procession  that  her 
husband  describes.  "You'll  see  parents  that 
are  lucky  enough  to  procure  papers,  with 
bundles  in  one  hand  and  a  string  of  children 
in  another,  wandering  out  of  the  town  (with 
only  a  sufferance  of  one  day's  permission)  not 
knowing  where  they'll  go."  Andrews'  wife 
went  out  in  a  sailing  vessel,  but  whether  by 
land  or  by  water  she  was  one  of  the  last  to  go. 

This  was  because  the  Tories  interfered  in 
the  general  removal.  It  alarmed  them  to  see 
so  many  leave :  these  Whigs,  and  especially 
those  of  good  social  position,  were  the  best 
hostages  for  the  safety  of  the  town  from 
assault.  So  they  made  vigorous  expression  of 


Boston  Beleaguered  227 

their  discontent,  and  to  them  Gage  yielded. 
They  had  already  formed  military  organiza 
tions  for  his  support,  and  when  they  threatened 
to  quit  the  town  and  seek  refuge  in  Canada 
or  London,  the  threat  was  too  much  for  him. 
Restrictions  were  at  once  put  upon  the  issu 
ing  of  passes,  and  in  a  very  short  time  the 
conditions  imposed  were  so  severe  that  it  was 
practically  impossible  for  people  of  the  better 
class  to  leave  the  town.  "There  are  but  very 
few,"  wrote  Abigail  Adams,  "who  are  per 
mitted  to  come  out  in  a  day;  they  delay 
giving  passes,  make  them  wait  from  hour  to 
hour,  and  their  counsels  are  not  two  hours 
together  alike.  One  day,  they  shall  come 
out  w^ith  their  effects ;  the  next  day,  mer 
chandise  is  not  effects.  One  day,  their  house 
hold  furniture  is  to  come  out ;  the  next,  only 
wearing  apparel ;  the  next,  Pharaoh's  heart  is 
hardened,  arid  he  refuseth  to  hearken  to  them, 
and  will  not  let  the  people  go."  1  Neverthe 
less  the  poor  were  still  welcome  to  depart, 
and  from  time  to  time  were  even  sent  out  in 
1  "Familiar  Letters  of  John  and  Abigail  Adams,"  54. 


228  The  Siege  of  Boston 

order  to  relieve  Gage  of  the  necessity  of  feed 
ing  them.1 

During  this  period  a  number  of  Tories 
came  to  Boston.  These  were  the  families  of 
men  already  in  the  town,  or  were  others  who 
felt  that,  though  until  the  present  their 
homes  had  been  safe  for  them,  the  future  was 
too  doubtful.  They  hastened  to  put  the 
British  defences  between  them  and  the  Whigs. 
Among  them  the  most  notable  was  Lady 
Frankland  of  Hopkinton,  who  once  had 
been  Agnes  Surriage,  the  barefooted  serving- 
maid  of  the  tavern  at  Marblehead.  She  now 
was  a  widow  of  nearly  fifty,  and  came  down 
from  Hopkinton  only  to  be  detained  before 
the  lines,  and  made  the  subject  of  memoranda 
and  petitions.  The  lieutenant  who  detained 
her  person  was  reprimanded,  and  by  vote  of 
the  provincial  congress  she  was  permitted  to 
enter  Boston  with  "seven  trunks;  all  the 

1  Lieutenant  Barker  makes  a  suggestion  that  must 
have  been  popular  among  the  officers.  "I  wonder  the 

G 1  will  allow  any  of  their  people  to  quit  the  Town 

till  they  return  the  Prisoners ;  one  wou'd  think  he  might 
get  'em  if  he'd  try." 


Boston  Beleaguered  229 

beds  with  the  furniture  to  them ;  all  the 
boxes  and  crates ;  a  basket  of  chickens,  and 
a  bag  of  corn ;  two  barrels  and  a  hamper ; 
two  horses  and  two  chaises,  and  all  the  articles 
in  the  chaise,  excepting  arms  and  ammuni 
tion  ;  one  phaeton ;  some  tongues,  ham,  and 
veal ;  and  sundry  small  bundles."  1  Evi 
dently  thinking  that  Lady  Frankland's  house 
hold  was  well  enough  supplied,  the  congress 
did  not  allow  to  pass  her  seven  wethers  and 
two  pigs. 

There  were  others  who  left  their  homes, 
though  not  to  go  to  Boston.  Of  these  Judge 
Curwen  of  Salem  is  a  type.  He  was  con 
sidered  —  unjustly,  he  protests  —  as  a  Tory, 
and  finding  his  neighbors  daily  becoming 
"more  and  more  soured  and  malevolent 
against  moderate  men,"  he  left  Massachu 
setts.  In  this  case  it  was  the  wife  who  re 
mained  behind,  "her  apprehensions  of  danger 
from  an  incensed  soldiery,  a  people  licentious 
and  enthusiastically  mad  and  broken  loose 
from  all  the  restraints  of  law  and  religion, 

1  "Memorial  History  of  Boston,"  iii,  77. 


230  The  Siege  of  Boston 

being  less  terrible  to  her  than  a  short  passage 
on  the  ocean."  1  Curwen  went  to  Philadel 
phia,  but  finding  the  situation  the  same, 
proceeded  to  London  and  there  lived  out  the 
war.  Many  others,  like  him,  repaired  to  the 
capital,  and  formed  a  miserable  colony,  living 
on  hope,  watching  the  news  from  home, 
pensioned  or  grudgingly  maintained  by  the 
government,  and  sadly  feeling  themselves 
strangers  in  a  strange  land. 

Without  doubt  the  times  were  very  hard 
for  men  who,  like  Judge  Curwen,  wished 
to  take  no  side,  but  to  live  at  peace  with  all 
men.  Of  such  men  there  was  a  very  large 
class,  so  large  in  fact  that  more  than  one 
Tory  sympathizer  has  claimed  that  the  Revo 
lution  was  fought  by  a  minority  of  the  people 
of  the  colonies,  who  were  so  virulent  as  to 
force  the  moderates  into  their  ranks  from 
dread  of  personal  consequences.  Such  a  claim 
is  weak  upon  its  very  face,  and  will  not 
bear  examination.  Most  of  the  moderates 
were  but  waiting  to  see  how  the  cat  would 

1  Curwen's  "Journal,"  25. 


Boston  Beleaguered  231 

jump,  and  when  once  a  preponderance  of 
sentiment  showed  they  speedily  took  sides. 
Had  there  been  in  the  colonies  a  majority 
desirous  of  a  return  to  allegiance,  the  Whig 
cause  surely  could  not  have  survived  the  dark 
days  of  the  war.  We  can  safely  conclude 
the  majority  to  have  been  in  favor  of  the 
rights  of  the  colonies,  always  understanding 
that  they  desired  nothing  more  than  they 
had  always  had  since  the  accession  of  George 
the  Third.  A  man  of  such  a  type  is  clearly 
seen  in  John  Andrews,  with  his  occasional 
fits  of  depression  and  doubt,  and  his  impatient 
exclamations  against  the  radicals  among  the 
Whigs.  Note,  for  instance,  what  he  says 
on  the  death  of  William  Molineux,  one  of  the 
prominent  Boston  Whigs,  whose  death  was 
a  loss  to  the  cause.  "If  he  was  too  rash," 
remarked  Andrews,  "and  drove  matters  to 
an  imprudent  pitch,  it  was  owing  to  his 
natural  temper ;  as  when  he  was  in  business, 
he  pursued  it  with  the  same  impetuous  zeal. 
His  loss  is  not  much  regretted  by  the  more 
prudent  and  judicious  part  of  the  community." 


23  2  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Yet  though  Andrews  could  thus  express 
himself,  he  could  again  speak  quite  otherwise, 
as  the  remarks  quoted  in  this  book  have 
already  shown.  He  doubted  at  times,  and 
was  petulant  against  the  fortune  that  brought 
him  discomfort  and  loss,  but  in  the  main  he 
was  stanch.  Andrews  was,  then,  a  type  of 
the  moderate  who  threw  in  his  lot  with  his 
country.  Judge  Curwen,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  one  of  the  smaller  class  which,  in  doubt 
and  despair,  withdrew  to  the  protection  of 
the  crown.  Many  of  them  were  too  old  to 
fight ;  many  had  not  the  heart  to  lift  their 
hands  against  their  neighbors.  Every  country 
sees  such  men  at  every  war.  Often  they 
may  live  peaceably,  anguished  with  doubt, 
and  distressed  for  humanity.  But  in  a  civil 
war  there  is  seldom  a  refuge  for  them.  It 
was  certainly  so  at  the  Revolution.  A  very 
few  among  the  Tories,  venerated  by  their 
neighbors,  might  remain  neutral ;  the  re 
mainder  must  take  sides,  or  go.  The  fight 
ing  men  felt  that  those  who  were  not  with 
them  were  against  them,  and  among  the  stay- 


Boston  Beleaguered  233 

at-home  Whigs  were  plenty  who  were  willing 
to  express  the  feeling.  Hence  the  reproaches 
and  menaces  which  drove  Judge  Curwen 
from  his  home,  and  hence  the  doubtful  looks 
in  Philadelphia  which  made  him  "  fearful 
whether,  like  Cain,  I  had  not  a  discouraging 
mark  upon  me,  or  a  strong  feature  of  toryism." 
Curwen  crossed  the  water,  and  other  mod 
erates  slipped  into  Boston,  to  find  themselves 
as  unhappy  within  the  town  as  they  had 
been  outside,  in  spite  of  the  strength  which 
Gage  was  slowly  gaining. 

This  strength  was,  so  far,  purely  defensive. 
Gage  did  not  consider  himself  ready  to  take 
the  offensive.  Those  Tories  who  came  to  town 
informed  him  of  the  numbers  outside,  and 
he  saw  very  plainly  the  result  of  sending  an 
expedition  against  a  militia  which  would 
melt  before  the  head  of  his  column,  only  to 
attack  it  in  flank  and  rear.  So  no  action 
was  considered,  especially  as  the  rebels  offered, 
so  far,  nothing  to  strike  at.  Gage  made  him 
self  as  strong  as  he  could,  and  waited  rein 
forcements. 


234  The  Siege  of  Boston 

His  strength  was  partly,  as  we  have  seen, 
in  the  organization  of  the  Tories.  Their 
men  began  at  once  to  form  themselves  in 
companies,  under  the  general  leadership  of 
Timothy  Ruggles,  who  had  long  been  a  politi 
cal  tower  of  strength,  and  was  now  assuming 
military  importance.  The  new  volunteer  com 
panies  were,  as  we  have  seen,  of  such  value 
to  Gage  that  they  were  able  to  make  him 
break  his  promise  to  let  the  townspeople  leave 
Boston.  Yet  so  far  as  is  known  they  did  noth 
ing  more  in  the  siege  than  to  parade  and  mount 
guard. 

Gage's  chief  attention  was  directed  to  for 
tifying.  His  situation  was  easily  defensible 
at  certain  points,  and  of  them  he  first  made 
sure.  At  the  south,  across  the  passage  to 
Roxbury,  were  the  "lines"  of  which  all  con 
temporary  accounts  speak.  These  Gage 
strengthened  until  by  the  4th  of  May  Lieu 
tenant  Barker  records  that  the  works  were 
almost  ready  for  ten  twenty-four-pounders. 
From  the  Neck  the  western  line  of  the  penin 
sula  of  Boston  ran  in  a  general  northerly 


Boston  Beleaguered 


235 


PLAN  OF  THE  SIEGE 


236  The  Siege  of  Boston 

direction  for  about  a  mile  and  a  half ;  it  then 
ran  east  for  nearly  a  mile  ;  then  turning  south, 
it  finally  swept  inward  to  the  Neck.  The  out 
line  had  three  projections,  each  caused  by  a 
hill :  Barton's  Point  at  the  northwest ;  Copp's 
Hill  at  the  northeast ;  and  Fort  Hill  on  the 
middle  of  the  eastern  side.  Each  of  these  was 
fortified  as  soon  as  possible.  The  four  points 
were  Gage's  main  defences. 

When  these  forts  were  finished,  the  town 
was  by  no  means  secure.  The  forts  com 
manded  most  of  the  northerly  and  easterly 
sides,  of  which  the  war-ships  commanded 
the  remainder;  but  the  whole  western  side 
of  the  town,  along  the  Common  and  the  foot 
of  Beacon  Hill,  was  open  to  attack.  This 
was,  roughly  speaking,  along  the  line  of  the 
present  Charles  Street,  prolonged  into  Tre- 
mont  Street.  The  Back  Bay  beyond  this 
water-line  was  so  shallow  that  no  war-ship 
could  anchor  there ;  a  night  attack,  delivered 
in  boats,  might  surprise  the  soldiers  on  the 
Common  in  their  barracks  or  their  tents. 
In  order  to  command  the  western  shore, 


Boston  Beleaguered  237 

and  also  to  quell  a  possible  rising  in  the  town, 
Gage  erected  a  " small  work"  on  Beacon  Hill. 
Later  in  the  siege  every  one  of  these  points 
was  strengthened ;  a  low  hill,  near  the  present 
Louisburg  Square,  was  protected ;  and  re 
doubts  were  thrown  up  to  defend  the  shore 
line  of  the  Common.  But  the  four  main 
works,  and  the  Beacon  Hill  fort,  were  all 
that  Gage  was  able  to  accomplish  before 
Bunker  Hill  battle.  He  managed,  however, 
to  put  his  army  under  strict  military  disci 
pline,  which  before  the  I9th  of  April  he  had 
not  imposed  on  them. 

From  letters  and  diaries  we  get  glimpses 
of  the  situation  of  the  troops.  They  were 
short  of  fresh  provision,  disgusted  with  their 
situation,  and  at  times  not  a  little  alarmed. 
What  other  unexpected  qualities  the  Yankees 
might  show  no  one  could  predict.  They 
were  still,  however,  regarded  as  low  in  the 
scale  of  humanity.  On  the  fifth  of  May 
Lieutenant  Barker  records  the  discovery  of 
a  "most  shocking"  plot.  "It  was  a  scheme 
to  cut  off  all  the  officers  of  the  Garrison. 


238  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Upon  the  24th,  the  day  we  were  to  keep  St. 
George's  day,  the  Rebels  were  to  make  a 
feint  Attack  at  night  upon  the  Lines  :  a  num 
ber  of  men  were  to  be  posted  at  the  Lodgings 
of  all  the  Officers,  and  upon  the  Alarm  Guns 
firing  they  were  to  put  the  Officers  to  death 
as  they  were  coming  out  of  their  houses  to 
go  to  their  Barracks.  What  a  set  of  Villains 
must  they  be  to  think  of  such  a  thing  !  but 
there  is  nothing  be  it  ever  so  bad  that  these 
people  will  stick  at  to  gain  their  ends."  The 
horrified  lieutenant  ascribes  to  this  dis 
covery  the  fact  that  Gage  ordered  the  officers 
to  sleep  at  barracks.  It  is,  however,  more 
likely  that  the  general  paid  no  attention  to 
the  tale,  but  thought  it  time  for  officers  and 
men  to  be  together. 

Once  more  the  army  was  shocked.  A  fire 
broke  out  near  property  owned  by  Hancock, 
and  in  putting  out  the  blaze  there  was  dis 
covered  a  chest  of  bullets  "in  Hancock's 
store."  The  news  spread  rapidly,  and  was 
regarded  as  another  proof  of  the  desperate 
nature  of  the  Whigs. 


Boston  Beleaguered  239 

So  the  army,  uncomfortable  and  uneasy, 
looked  for  its  reinforcements,  which  before 
long  began  to  come  in.  Troop-ships  arrived, 
but  the  most  welcome  was  the  Cerberus,  with 
the  three  major-generals.  The  relief  of  the 
garrison  found  expression  in  waggery ;  they 
called  the  generals  the  three  bow-wows,  and 
circulated  the  doggerel :  - 

"Behold  the  Cerberus  the  Atlantic  plow, 
Her  precious  cargo  Burgoyne,  Clinton,  Howe, 
Bow  wow  wow  !" 

Burgoyne  at  this  time  made  a  special  nick 
name  for  himself.  Hailing  a  ship  as  they 
entered  the  harbor,  the  generals  learned  that 
the  army  was  shut  up  by  the  provincials. 
"What!"  cried  Burgoyne.  "Ten  thousand 
peasants  keep  five  thousand  king's  troops  shut 
up  !  Well,  let  us  get  in,  and  we'll  soon  find 
elbow-room  !"  1  And  Elbow-room  was  Bur- 
goyne's  name  for  a  long  time  thereafter. 

Yet  the  three  new  generals  for  a  while  did 
nothing.  Lieutenant  Barker  regretfully  re- 

1  Current  newspapers,  quoted  in  Frothingham's 
"Siege,"  114. 


240  The  Siege  of  Boston 

cords :  "Tho'  we  have  new  Generals  come 
out,  yet  they  have  brought  no  more  authority 
than  we  had  before,  which  was  none  at  all." 
It  is  safe  to  assume  that  on  learning  the 
quality  of  the  "peasants,"  Burgoyne  was  not 
anxious  to  attack  them  with  an  inferior  force. 
The  British  therefore  continued  to  await 
reinforcements. 

From  Burgoyne's  voluminous  correspond 
ence  we  learn  his  state  of  mind.  He  had  come 
to  the  country  unwillingly:  "I  received  your 
Majesty's  commands  for  America  with  regret," 
he  wrote  in  his  letter  to  the  king,  and  else 
where  records  that  the  event  was  one  of  the 
most  disagreeable  in  his  life.  Nevertheless, 
once  enlisted  in  the  campaign,  he  had  thrown 
himself  into  it.  Perceiving  in  advance  how 
little,  as  junior  major-general,  he  would  have 
to  do,  he  endeavored  to  have  himself  trans 
ferred  to  the  post  at  New  York,  where  he 
rightly  perceived  that  there  was  much  to  be 
done.  He  was  in  favor  of  attempting  con 
ciliation.  Had  that  post  at  this  time  been 
occupied  by  Burgoyne,  his  quick  wit,  true 


Boston  Beleaguered  241 

sympathies  with  the  Americans,  and  real 
abilities  might  have  made  for  him  a  different 
name  in  the  history  of  America.  But  his 
attempt  failed,  and  now,  almost  inactive  in 
his  post  at  Boston,  he  was  studying  the  situa 
tion,  probing  the  weakness  of  Gage  and  learn 
ing  the  difficulties  of  his  position.  Gage  had 
little  money  for  secret  service,  it  is  true,  and 
the  provincials  were  stubborn  foes  whose  true 
measure  Burgoyne  had  not  yet  taken,1  but 
he  saw  how  poorly  Gage  had  provided  against 
the  calamities  which  had  come  upon  him. 
Burgoyne  doubted  the  outcome,  and  fretted 
at  the  situation. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  rebels  had  been  work 
ing  to  make  that  situation  worse.  Their 
first  need  was  to  get  some  semblance  of  order 
among  the  troops.  At  the  head  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  army  was  Artemas  Ward,  a  veteran 
of  the  French  wars,  no  longer  vigorous,  and 

1  "There  was  hardly  a  leading  man  among  the 
rebels,  in  council,  or  in  the  field,  but  at  a  proper 
time,  and  by  proper  management,  might  have  been 
bought."  —  BURGOYNE  to  Lord  Rochfort,  June,  1775. 
Fonblanque's  "  Burgoyne,"  149-1 50. 


242  The  Siege  of  Boston 

never  used  to  independent  command.  He 
drew  his  authority  from  the  Provincial  Con 
gress  of  Massachusetts,  which  now  hastily 
came  together,  and  communicated  with  Ward 
chiefly  through  the  Committee  of  Safety,  of 
one  of  whose  meetings  we  have  already  had  a 
glimpse.  The  active  head  of  the  committee 
was  Warren,  who  kept  in  close  touch  with 
Ward. 

Organization  proceeded  slowly,  complicated 
by  the  fact  that  the  other  provinces  main 
tained  separate  armies.  The  names  of  some 
of  the  commanders  are  still  familiar.  Put 
nam  and  Spencer  were  the  heads  of  the  Con 
necticut  troops ;  John  Stark  was  prominent 
among  the  New  Hampshire  men ;  while  to 
command  the  Rhode  Islanders  came  Na- 
thanael  Greene.  With  praiseworthy  suppres 
sion  of  provincial  jealousies  the  commanders 
speedily  agreed  to  subordinate  themselves  to 
Ward,  as  the  oldest  among  them,  and  the 
head  of  the  largest  body  of  troops.  He  was 
regarded  as  commander-in-chief,  and  his 
orders  were  to  be  observed  by  all.  Yet  the 


Boston  Beleaguered  243 

means  to  communicate  orders  and  to  receive 
reports  were  long  lacking.  The  combined 
armies  were  far  from  being  a  unit,  and  if 
attacked  could  resist  little  better  than  on 
the  iQth,  as  scattered  bands,  and  not  as  a 
whole. 

The  very  size  of  the  army  was  uncertain. 
On  paper  there  were  more  than  twenty  thou 
sand  men ;  as  a  matter  of  fact  there  can 
seldom  have  been  more  than  four-fifths  of 
that  number.  Of  the  actual  total  Massa 
chusetts  provided  11,50x5,  Connecticut  2300, 
New  Hampshire  1200,  Rhode  Island  looo.1 
Further,  in  its  variable  size  this  was  the  very 
type  of  a  volunteer  army,  of  which  every 
man  owned  his  equipment,  clothed  himself, 
and  considered  himself  still,  to  a  large  ex 
tent,  his  own  master.  Of  the  thousands  living 
within  twenty-five  miles  of  Boston,  who 
sprang  to  arms  on  the  iQth,  knowing  that  if 
they  were  quick  they  might  strike  the  Brit 
ish  before  night,  few  had  the  foresight  to 
prepare  themselves  properly  for  the  cam- 

1  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  101. 


244  The  Siege  of  Boston 

paign  that  was  to  follow.  There  were  no  com 
missary  stores  to  supply  them.  Their  affairs 
at  home  they  left  just  where  they  stood.  In 
the  next  few  days  many  of  these  men  went 
home,  for  the  necessary  arrangement  of  their 
affairs  and  for  more  clothing.  The  larger 
number  of  them  returned  to  camp  imme 
diately,  some  were  slower,  and  yet  others 
stayed  for  a  longer  time.  Even  those  who 
joined  the  army  after  more  preparation  often 
had  business  that  called  them  home,  in  which 
case  they  considered  it  a  hardship  to  be 
denied.  The  officers  sympathized,  especially 
when  that  business  was  haying.  Cases  oc 
curred  in  which  the  men  on  furlough  were 
making  their  officers'  hay,  while  at  the  same 
time  drawing  the  pay  of  the  province.  The 
position  of  the  general  commanding  such 
troops  was  not  to  be  envied. 

Further,  military  supplies  were  very  few. 
In  spite  of  the  preparations  of  the  provincial 
congress,  there  were  on  hand  only  sixty- 
eight  half-barrels  of  powder,  a  scanty  stock 
with  which  to  begin  the  siege  of  a  military 


Boston  Beleaguered  245 

garrison.  Of  cannon  a  varying  number  is 
reported,  few  of  them  as  yet  of  value,  for 
lack  of  shot  to  fit  them.  It  was  doubtless  a 
great  relief  to  Ward  that  he  was  not  called 
upon  to  use  his  cannon,  since  they  would 
have  drawn  too  heavily  upon  his  scanty 
supply  of  ammunition,  which  could  be  re 
placed  but  slowly. 

Altogether,  the  position  of  senior  major- 
general  was  a  difficult  one.  To  knit  into  an 
army  such  a  mass  of  units,  to  create  supplies 
out  of  nothing,  to  organize  a  commissary  and 
means  of  communication,  and  maintain  a  firm 
front  over  a  line  of  ten  miles,  these  were  the 
needs  of  the  situation.  We  need  scarcely 
marvel  that  Ward,  old  and  enfeebled,  with 
his  hands  tied  by  uncertain  authority,  could 
not  meet  them.  A  genius  was  needed  in  his 
place,  and  the  good  fortune  was  that  the 
genius  eventually  came.  In  the  meanwhile 
Ward,  pottering  at  his  task,  depended  much 
on  the  initiative  of  his  subordinates.  The 
passage  from  the  Neck  to  Roxbury  was  now 
guarded  by  Brigadier-General  John  Thomas 


246  The  Siege  of  Boston 

of  Marshfield,1  who  to  deceive  the  enemy  as 
to  his  numbers  occasionally  marched  his  force 
of  seven  hundred  round  and  round  a  hill. 
The  ruse  was  successful,  for  Lieutenant  Bar 
ker  wrote  that  "at  Roxbury  there  must  be 
between  2  and  3000."  Nevertheless,  it  is 
hard  to  believe  that  so  important  a  post 
was  long  left  so  slightly  guarded.  Thomas 
exercised  his  men  with  equal  profit  in  cutting 
down  trees  to  obstruct  the  passage,  and  in 
throwing  up  earthworks.  Of  other  entrench 
ments,  at  this  stage,  we  hear  little.  Putnam 
wanted  to  fortify  Prospect  Hill,  commanding 
the  passage  from  Charlestown  Neck,  but  could 
not  get  permission.  Yet  the  whole  country 
about  Boston  was  dotted  with  low  hills,  on 
which  might  easily  be  made  a  chain  of  forti 
fications. 

Besides    such    work    as    Thomas's,    for    a 

1  "And  yet  to-day,  if  you  should  ask  ten  Boston  men, 
'Who  was  Artemas  Ward  ?'  nine  would  say  he  was  an 
amusing  showman.  If  you  asked  'Who  was  John 
Thomas  ?'  nine  would  say  he  was  a  flunky  commemo 
rated  by  Thackeray."  —  E.  E.  HALE,  "Memorial  History 
of  Boston,"  iii,  100. 


Boston  Beleaguered  247 

month  little  was  done.  To  be  sure,  early  in 
May  a  party  of  provincials,  gathered  in  Con 
necticut  and  Vermont,  and  headed  by  Ethan 
Allen  and  Benedict  Arnold,  took  Ticonderoga 
by  surprise,  and  gained  for  America  a  fine 
supply  of  cannon.  We  shall  later  see  what 
was  done  with  this  artillery,  but  there  was  no 
present  means  of  transporting  it  to  Boston, 
and  no  powder  for  its  use,  and  so  there  was 
no  profit  to  the  country  save  in  encourage 
ment.  Until  the  2ist  of  May  nothing  hap 
pened  near  Boston  save  small  skirmishes,  and 
brushes  of  outposts.  Here  and  there  a  float 
ing  battery  of  the  British  warped  up  near 
land  and  fired  a  few  shots,  and  occasionally  a 
squad  of  riflemen  did  a  little  pot-hunting  on 
its  own  account.  These  skirmishes,  except 
as  they  accustomed  the  provincials  to  the 
smell  of  powder,  had  no  effect  on  the  situa 
tion,  until  at  last  the  opposing  sides  found 
that  they  had  something  worth  contending 
for. 

Gage   had   in   Boston   no   supply   of  fresh 
meat,  but  plenty  of  horses  needing  hay.     It 


248  The  Siege  of  Boston 

occurred  to  him,  finally,  that  the  islands  in 
the  harbor  were  plentifully  stocked  with  sheep 
and  cattle,  and  besides  grew  plenty  of  grass. 
He  sent,  therefore,  on  the  2ist  of  May,  a 
party  to  bring  hay  from  Grape  Island,  near 
Weymouth.  The  Americans  took  the  alarm, 
soldiers  were  sent  from  the  camp,  the  militia 
who  were  at  home  turned  out,  and  much 
long-range  shooting  was  indulged  in.  "It 
was  impossible  to  reach  them,  for  want  of 
boats,"  wrote  Abigail  Adams,  "but  the  sight 
of  so  many  persons,  and  the  firing  at  them, 
prevented  their  getting  more  than  three  tons 
of  hay,  though  they  carted  much  more  down 
to  the  water.  At  last  a  lighter  was  mustered, 
and  a  sloop  from  Hingham,  which  had  six 
port  holes.  Our  men  eagerly  jumped  on 
board,  and  put  off  for  the  island.  As  soon  as 
they  perceived  it,  they  decamped.  Our  people 
landed  upon  the  island,  and  in  an  instant  set 
fire  to  the  hay,  which,  with  the  barn,  was  soon 
consumed,  —  about  eighty  tons,  it  is  said." 

Emboldened   by   this    success,    the   provin 
cials  began  to  take  steps  to  remove  from  the 


Boston  Beleaguered  249 

islands  the  whole  stock  of  cattle,  sheep,  and 
hay.  Though,  on  the  25th  of  May,  the  gar 
rison  of  Boston  was  largely  reinforced  and 
ships  were  added  to  the  squadron,  the  Ameri 
cans  began  work  boldly  with  the  islands 
nearest  at  hand.  Noddle's  Island,  now  East 
Boston,  stretched  within  easy  cannon  shot  of 
the  town ;  it  was  reached  from  Hog  Island 
by  means  of  a  couple  of  fords,  passable  at 
low  tide.  In  broad  day,  on  the  27th,  the 
Americans  occupied  the  islands,  and  were 
promptly  assailed  by  the  British  in  a  schooner 
and  a  sloop.  The  skirmish  grew  very  obsti 
nate,  but  the  schooner  was  left  by  the  fleet  to 
fight  it  out  by  her  own  means  and  those  of  her 
smaller  consort.  As  a  result,  when  she  ran 
aground  she  was  seized,  stripped,  and  burned. 
On  this  day  the  Americans  drove  off  the 
stock  on  Hog  Island,  which,  with  their  cap 
ture  of  the  schooner,  was  considered  a  great 
achievement.  Three  days  later  the  stock 
was  driven  from  Noddle's  Island  :  "a  trifling 
property,"  says  Lieutenant  Barker,  "which 
we  have  no  connexion  with."  This  non- 


250  The  Siege  of  Boston 

chalant  dismissal  of  five  hundred  sheep  and 
lambs  1  scarcely  comes  well  from  one  who  had 
recently  recorded  that  his  mess  had  "luckily 
got  a  Sheep."  Within  a  week  other  large 
islands,  which  the  army  and  the  fleet  might 
naturally  have  regarded  as  their  own  store 
houses,  were  stripped  of  livestock  and  hay. 
By  these  means  the  Americans  were  made 
still  more  used  to  war,  and  according  to  con 
temporary  accounts  acted  boldly,  running 
considerable  risks.  The  total  of  stock  saved 
by  this  means  was  about  twenty-two  hundred, 
and  the  loss  of  life  trifling. 

But  the  time  was  coming  for  more  serious 
work.  Gage  felt  his  courage  rise  with  his 
strength,  and  with  his  major-generals  to  back 
him  he  planned  action.  But  first  he  had  to 
fulminate.  Much  irritation  had  been  caused 
by  mock  proclamations  mysteriously  appear 
ing  on  the  walls  of  the  residences  of  the  new 
generals,  and  Gage  now  determined  to  issue 
one  in  earnest.  He  called  Burgoyne  to  his 
aid,  and  the  literary  general  drafted  a  master- 

1  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  no. 


Boston  Beleaguered  251 

piece.  It  was  published  on  the  I2th  of 
June. 

Beginning  "Whereas  the  infatuated  multi 
tudes,"  it  proceeded  in  pompous  style  to  the 
statement  that  the  rebels  were  adding  "insult 
to  outrage,"  for  "with  a  preposterous  parade  of 
military  arrangement,  they  affected  to  hold  the 
army  besieged."  Gage  offered  to  pardon  all 
who  would  lay  down  their  arms,  except  Samuel 
Adams  and  John  Hancock,  "whose  offences 
are  of  too  flagitious  a  nature"  for  forgiveness. 

The  bombastic  proclamation  delighted  the 
Tories,  who  hoped  for  results  from  it.  But 
it  deeply  angered  the  Americans.  "All  the 
records  of  time,"  wrote  Abigail  Adams,1 
"cannot  produce  a  blacker  page.  Satan, 
when  driven  from  the  regions  of  bliss,  ex 
hibited  not  more  malice.  Surely  the  father 
of  lies  is  superseded."  The  provincial  con 
gress  prepared  a  counter  proclamation,  which 
similarly  offered  annesty  to  all  on  the  other 
side,  "excepting  only  .  .  .  Thomas  Gage, 
Samuel  Graves,  those  counsellors  who  were 

1  Adams  Letters,  p.  64. 


252  The  Siege  of  Boston 

appointed  by  Mandamus  and  have  not 
signified  their  resignation,  Jonathan  Sewall, 
Charles  Paxton,  Benjamin  Hallowell,1  and 
all  the  natives  of  America  who  went  out  with 
the  British  troops  on  the  I9th  of  April." 
We  get  from  this  an  interesting  glimpse  of 
those  who  most  excited  American  resentment, 
but  the  proclamation  was  never  issued.  More 
exciting  events  occurred  to  prevent  it. 

Gage  was  planning  to  make  himself  secure 
in  Boston.  Even  he  could  not  fail  to  see 
that  the  heights  of  Charlestown  and  of  Dor 
chester  threatened  his  army.  Now  that  his 
three  major-generals  had  come,  and  that 
his  reinforcements  were  arriving  (the  troop 
ships,  said  Lieutenant  Barker,  were  "con 
tinually  dropping  in"),  he  felt  strong  enough 
to  take  and  hold  the  dangerous  posts.  His 
plan  was  first  to  seize  Dorchester  Heights,  and 
for  the  action  was  set  a  date  —  the  night  of 
the  eighteenth  of  June.  But  Gage's  counsel 

1  Graves  was  the  admiral,  Sewall  the  attorney- 
general,  and  Paxton  and  Hallowell  were  commissioners 
of  customs. 


Boston  Beleaguered  253 

was  never  well  kept.  While  Burgoyne  com 
plained  that  the  British  "are  ignorant  not 
only  of  what  passes  in  Congress,  but  want 
spies  for  the  hill  half  a  mile  off,"  the  Ameri 
cans  were  in  no  such  embarrassment.  They 
had  spies  at  every  corner,  and  —  we  may 
suppose -- listeners  at  many  a  door.  Gage 
had  already  arrested  men  supposed  to  have 
been  signalling  from  steeples.  We  do  not 
know  how  the  news  got  through  on  this 
occasion ;  at  any  rate  the  Americans  were 
informed  as  early  as  the  13th.1 

The  chiefs  of  the  provincial  army  felt  that 
they  were  called  upon  to  act.  In  the  seven 
weeks  of  the  siege  they  had  to  some  degree 
tested  the  mettle  of  their  men,  and  now  be 
lieved  they  could  be  depended  on  to  keep 
together  against  an  attack.  The  troops  had, 
on  one  occasion,  made  an  expedition  to 
Charlestown,  which  lay  practically  deserted  on 
its  peninsula,  as  if  conscious  of  the  fate  which 
was  to  overtake  it.  On  the  I3th  of  May, 
Putnam,  to  give  his  men  confidence,  marched 

1  Frothingham's  "Siege/*  116. 


254  The  Siege  of  Boston 

his  command,  some  twenty-two  hundred  men, 
into  the  town,  over  Bunker  and  Breed's  Hills, 
where  some  of  them  were  soon  to  lay  down 
their  lives,  along  the  water-front  close  by  the 
British  shipping,  and  out  of  the  town  once 
more.  "It  was,"  wrote  Lieutenant  Barker, 
"expected  the  Body  at  Charles  Town  wou'd 
have  fired  on  the  Somerset,  at  least  it  was 
wished  for,  as  she  had  everything  ready  for 
Action,  and  must  have  destroyed  great  num 
bers  of  them,  besides  putting  the  Town  in 
Ashes."  But  no  powder  was  burned. 
;  Now  it  was  destined  that  Charlestown 
should  smell  powder  enough.  On  learning 
the  news  of  Gage's  projected  move,  the 
Committee  of  Safety  called  for  an  accounting 
of  the  condition  and  supplies  of  the  various 
regiments,  advised  an  increase  in  the  army, 
recommended  that  all  persons  go  armed, 
even  to  church,  and  finally  on  the  I5th  of 
June  took  the  decisive  step  of  advising  the 
seizure  of  Bunker  Hill.  "And  as  the  par 
ticular  situation  of  Dorchester  Neck  is  un 
known  to  this  Committee,  they  advise  that 


Boston  Beleaguered  255 

the  council  of  war  take  and  pursue  such 
steps  respecting  the  same,  as  to  them  shall 
appear  to  be  for  the  security  of  this  colony." 
Thus  inadequate  was  still  the  American 
military  organization:  Ward  was  too  old  and 
too  weak  to  assume  actual  leadership,  and 
we  find  two  consultative  bodies  advising  each 
other,  with  no  responsible  head.  Up  to  this 
time  the  Massachusetts  congress  had  hoped 
that  the  second  Continental  Congress,  now 
in  session  in  Philadelphia,  would  adopt  the 
army  as  its  own  and  send  it  a  general ;  but  so 
far  no  answer  had  come  to  their  requests. 
Nevertheless,  even  with  this  deficient  or 
ganization  something  was  effected.  A  de 
tachment  was  made  up,  consisting  on  paper 
of  fifteen  hundred  men,  but  in  fact  of  about 
twelve  hundred.  These  were  placed  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  William  Prescott  of 
Pepperell,  a  veteran  of  Louisburg  and  an  ex 
cellent  soldier.  Assembling  on  Cambridge 
Common  on  the  night  of  the  i6th,  "after 
prayer  by  President  Langdon,  they  marched 
to  Bunker  Hill."  1 

1  Inscription  in  Cambridge. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE    BATTLE    OF    BUNKER    HILL 

THE  strategy  of  Bunker  Hill  battle  has 
been  criticised  as  often  as  the  battle 
has  been  described.  We  have  already 
seen  that  the  choice  of  Charlestown  instead 
of  Dorchester  was  owing  to  ignorance,  on 
the  part  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  of  the 
advantages  of  the  latter.  From  Dorchester 
Heights  the  town  could  equally  well  have 
been  threatened,  the  shipping  more  effec 
tively  annoyed,  reinforcements  more  safely 
summoned,  and  retreat  much  better  secured. 
Nevertheless,  since  at  this  stage  the  British 
might  have  taken  any  fortification,  it  is  for 
tunate  that  the  Americans  chose  as  they 
did,  and  left  Dorchester  for  a  later  attempt. 
Prescott's  party  of  twelve  hundred  marched 
in  silence  to  Charlestown,  and  on  the  lower 
slope  of  Bunker  Hill  the  men  rested  for  some 

256 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill          257 

time  while  the  officers  discussed  the  situation. 
On  the  ground  were  Prescott,  Putnam,  and 
"another  general,"1  with  Colonel  Richard 
Gridley,  the  chief  engineer.  Their  discussion 
was  as  to  the  proper  point  to  fortify. 

The  peninsula  of  Charlestown,  as  has  al 
ready  been  said,  stretched  toward  Boston 
from  the  northwest.  The  approach  to  it 
was  by  a  narrow  neck  of  land,  on  one  side  of 
which,  the  northeast,  ran  the  Mystic  River ; 
while  on  the  southwesterly  side  was  an  inlet 
from  the  Charles.  The  town,  a  settlement 
of  several  houses,  was  on  the  bulge  of  the 
peninsula  nearest  Boston ;  but  along  the 
Mystic  rose  a  series  of  three  hills,  from  the 
lowest  at  Morton's  or  Moulton's  Point,  to 
the  highest  at  Bunker  Hill.  Morton's  Hill 
was  35  feet  high,  Breed's,  in  the  centre,  was  75 
feet,  and  Bunker's  was  no.  The  question 
arose,  should  Bunker  Hill  be  fortified,  as  in 
the  orders,  or  Breed's,  which  was  nearer 
Boston  and  the  shipping  ? 

Much  time    was    spent    in    the  discussion. 

1  Frothingham's  "  Siege,"  123. 


258  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Bunker  Hill  was  higher  and  the  safer,  and  com 
manded  most  landing  points ;  but  Breed's  Hill 
seemed  better  suited  to  the  eager  spirits  of  the 
officers.  When  at  last  Gridley  reminded  that 
time  was  passing,  the  question  seems  to  have 
been  decided  by  the  urgency  of  the  unknown 
general,  and  a  redoubt  was  laid  out  by  the 
engineer  on  the  summit  of  Breed's  Hill. 
In  the  bright  moonlight  Prescott  at  once 
set  his  men  at  work  digging,  endeavoring  to 
raise  a  good  protection  before  morning. 

In  this  he  was  successful.  His  men  were 
all  farmers,  used  to  the  shovel  and  pick; 
the  earth  was  soft  and  scarcely  stony ;  and 
there  was  no  interruption.  Cheered  from 
time  to  time  by  the  cry  of  the  sentry  on  the 
nearer  ship,  "  All's  Well  ! "  they  pushed  on 
the  work.  When  at  daybreak  the  redoubt  was 
seen,  the  British  could  scarcely  believe  their 
eyes,  for  a  completed  fort  seemed  to  stand 
there. 

And  now  was  a  chance  for  a  display  of 
military  science  on  the  part  of  Gage  and 
his  three  major-generals.  There  stood  the 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill          259 

little  low  redoubt,  unflanked  and  unsupported 
by  any  other  fortifications,  easily  cut  off 
from  its  own  line  of  relief  or  retreat.  If 
now  Gage  had  promptly  seized  the  isthmus, 
drawn  his  ships  up  close,  and  dragged  a  bat 
tery  to  the  top  of  Bunker  Hill,  the  Ameri 
can  force  could  very  soon  have  been  driven 
to  surrender.  Ruggles,  the  Tory  brigadier,  is 
known  to  have  advised  this,  and  there  were 
some  among  the  British  leaders  who  urged 
it.  The  general  feeling,  however,  seems  to 
have  been  that  it  would  be  unmanly  to 
catch  the  Americans  in  the  trap  which  they 
had  laid  for  themselves.  In  a  hasty  council 
of  war  it  was  decided  to  assault  the  redoubt 
in  the  good  old  British  fashion  of  marching 
up  to  its  face.  Gage  was  in  no  hurry  even 
for  this.  Contenting  himself  with  ordering 
the  shipping  and  the  Boston  batteries  to  fire 
upon  the  little  fort,  he  gave  the  Americans 
every  chance  to  complete  their  defences, 
while  leaving  the  way  open  for  reinforce 
ments.  In  a  leisurely  way  he  set  about 
preparing  an  expedition  to  cross  Charlestown 


260  The  Siege  of  Boston 

ferry.  The  men  were  mustered,  and  equipped 
as  for  a  march. 

Howe  was  to  take  charge  of  the  assault, 
and  Burgoyne  and  Clinton  to  direct  the  Bos 
ton  batteries.  The  fleet  joined  in  the  fire. 
From  Copp's  Hill,  from  Barton's  Point, 
from  five  ships  of  war,  and  from  a  couple  of 
floating  batteries,  such  a  storm  of  round- 
shot  was  poured  upon  the  redoubt  that  its 
defenders  were  amazed,  and  on  the  death 
of  a  comrade  were  ready  to  stop  work.  But 
Prescott,  coolly  insisting  —  against  the  pro 
test  of  a  horrified  chaplain  —  that  the  body  be 
immediately  buried,  took  his  stand  upon  the 
parapet,  and  from  there  directed  the  finish 
ing  of  the  redoubt. 

In  this  position  he  was  seen  from  Boston. 
Gage,  handing  his  field-glasses  to  a  Tory  who 
stood  near  him,  asked  if  he  recognized  the  rebel. 
The  Tory  was  Willard  of  Lancaster,  a  man 
damus  councillor,  who  well  knew  Prescott's 
declared  intention  never  to  be  taken  alive. 

"He  is  my  brother-in-law,"  he  replied. 

"Will  he  fight?"  asked  Gage. 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill  261 

"I  cannot  answer  for  his  men,"  said  Wil- 
lard;  "but  Prescott  will  fight  you  to  the  gates 
of  hell!"1 

At  the  redoubt  one  of  Prescott's  aids  fol 
lowed  his  example,  and  walking  back  and 
forth  on  the  parapet  the  two  gave  courage 
to  their  men.  These  fell  to  and  completed 
the  work.  The  rampart  was  raised  to  a  con 
siderable  height,  platforms  of  earth  or  wood 
were  made  inside  for  the  defenders,  and  at 
about  eleven  o'clock  the  men  stacked  their 
tools  and  were  ready. 

The  redoubt,  when  thus  finished,  was 
roughly  square,  about  "  eight  rods  on  the 
longest  side,"  which  had  a  single  angle  pro 
jecting  toward  the  south.  Running  north 
wards  from  the  northeast  corner  Prescott  had 
made  a  breastwork  of  perhaps  two  hundred 
feet,2  to  prevent  flanking.  It  stretched  toward 
the  Mystic  River,  but  fell  short  by  more  than 
a  hundred  yards. 

1  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  126,  and  Sabine's  "Loyal 
ists,"  707. 

2  Reports  vary  from  eighty  to  three  hundred  feet. 


262  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Cooped  up  in  this  little  fort,  inadequately 
protected  against  flanking,  with  shot  con 
tinually  striking  on  the  sides  of  the  redoubt, 
Prescott's  men  waited.  They  had  worked  all 
night  and  most  of  the  morning,  had  little  food 
and  water,  saw  as  yet  nothing  of  the  relief 
that  had  been  promised  them,  and  could  tell 
by  the  fever  of  activity  visible  in  Boston's 
streets  that  the  red  coats  soon  would  come 
against  them.  There  is  no  wonder  that 
when  Putnam  rode  up  and  asked  for  the  en 
trenching  tools  (proposing,  with  the  best  of 
military  good  sense,  to  make  a  supporting 
redoubt  on  Bunker  Hill),  many  of  Prescott's 
men  were  glad  of  the  excuse  to  remove  them 
selves  from  so  dangerous  a  neighborhood.  Of 
those  who  carried  back  the  tools,  few  returned. 

But  Prescott's  remainder  was  stanch.  The 
men  were  already  veterans,  having  endured 
the  work  and  the  cannonade.  Waiting  in  the 
fort,  some  of  them  could  appreciate  the  marvel 
of  the  scene :  a  great  stretch  of  intermingled 
land  and  water,  the  shipping  spread  below, 
close  at  hand  the  town  of  Charlestown,  and 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill          263 

across  the  narrow  river  the  larger  town  of 
Boston,  with  its  heights  and  house-tops 
already  crowded  by  non-combatants,  viewing 
the  field  that  was  prepared  for  the  slaughter. 
It  was  all  in  bright  and  warm  weather,  under 
a  cloudless  sky.  Since  the  world  began,  there 
had  been  few  battle-fields  so  spectacularly 
laid  out. 

At  last  the  bustle  in  Boston's  streets  pro 
duced  results.  From  the  wharves  pushed 
out  into  the  placid  water  the  boats  of  the 
fleet,  loaded  to  the  gunwales  with  soldiers  in 
full  equipment.  As  they  neared  the  Charles- 
town  shore,  the  fire  upon  the  redoubt  was 
doubled,  and  under  its  cover  the  troops 
landed  upon  Moulton's  Point.  There  Howe 
at  first  deployed  them,  but  after  inspecting 
the  ground  sent  back  for  reinforcements. 
For  the  men  in  the  redoubt  there  were  two 
more  hours  of  waiting. 

Those  two  hours  very  nearly  decided  the 
fate  of  the  struggle,  for  had  Howe  moved 
immediately  to  the  assault  there  could  have 
been  no  such  resistance  offered  him  as  later 


264  The  Siege  of  Boston 

he  met.  Prescott  decided  to  send  to  Cam 
bridge  for  reinforcements ;  but  such  was  the 
confusion  that  the  messenger  could  get  no 
horse,  and  had  to  walk  the  six  miles  to 
headquarters.  There  he  was  ill  received,  for 
Ward,  who  during  the  whole  day  did  not 
leave  his  house,  feared  an  attack  on  Cam 
bridge,  dreaded  to  deplete  his  supply  of  pow 
der,  and  only  upon  repeated  representations 
ordered  a  couple  of  regiments  in  support  of 
Prescott.  These  regiments  had  to  draw  their 
powder  and  make  up  their  cartridges,  and 
arrived  when  the  battle  was  just  about  to 
begin. 

The  student  of  this  day  finds  it  difficult  to 
disentangle  the  varied  accounts.  Who  was 
on  the  field  and  who  was  not,  what  part  was 
taken  by  each,  who  was  in  command  at  this 
point  and  who  there,  and  the  total  of  men 
engaged,  all  either  were  or  still  are  disputed 
points.  It  seems  to  be  beyond  doubt,  how 
ever,  that  Prescott  from  the  first  was  in  com 
mand  at  the  redoubt,  and  that  Putnam  as 
sumed,  and  tried  to  execute,  general  oversight 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill          265 

of  the  field  of  contest  outside  the  redoubt  and 
beyond  the  breastwork. 

While  Howe's  troops  lunched  quietly  at 
Moulton's  Point,  the  aspect  of  affairs  for  the 
Americans  became  brighter.  Prescott,  seeing 
that  he  must  have  better  protection  toward 
the  Mystic  River,  ordered  a  detachment  of 
Connecticut  troops,  under  Captain  Knowlton, 
and  with  them  six  field-pieces -- which  seem 
to  have  figured  not  at  all  in  the  result  —  to 
"go  and  oppose"  the  enemy.  Avoiding  a 
marshy  spot  of  ground,  Knowlton  chose  a 
position  some  two  hundred  yards  to  the  rear 
of  the  redoubt  and  its  breastwork.  Here 
was  a  fence,  the  lower  part  of  stone,  the 
upper  of  rails.  The  men  brought  forward 
from  the  rear  another  rail  fence,  leaned  it 
against  the  first,  and  wove  in  between  the 
rails  hay  which  they  found  recently  cut  upon 
the  ground.  This,  the  "rail  fence"  men 
tioned  in  all  accounts  of  the  battle,  was  their 
sole  protection. 

Now  began  slowly  to  come  across  the 
isthmus  the  first  of  the  reinforcements  that 


266  The  Siege  of  Boston 

strengthened  the  hands  of  the  provincials. 
They  came  partly  as  individuals,  of  whom 
the  most  noted  was  Warren,  who  but  the 
day  before  had  been  appointed  general  by  the 
provincial  congress.  He  came  as  a  volun 
teer,  knew  his  risk,  and  was  prepared  to  die. 
[  Curiously  James  Otis,  it  is  said,  was  also 
among  the  defenders  of  the  redoubt,  coming, 
like  Warren,  as  a  volunteer.  It  was  a  strange 
fate  which  sent  him  safely  home,  to  live,  still 
wrecked  in  intellect  and  useless  to  his  coun 
try,  while  Warren  was  to  fall. 

By  this  time  a  lively  hail  of  shot  and  shell 
was  falling  on  Charlestown  Neck,  and  to 
cross  it  was  a  test  of  courage.  Seth  Pomeroy, 
brigadier-general,  veteran  of  Louisburg,  came 
on  a  borrowed  horse,  and,  sending  back  the 
animal,  crossed  on  foot.  Others,  alone,  in 
groups,  or  in  semi-military  formation,  fol 
lowed  him,  to  be  directed  by  Putnam  to  the 
rail  fence,  which  needed  defenders.  At  last 
came  one  who  needed  no  directions  —  Stark, 
at  the  head  of  his  New  Hampshire  regiment. 
Although  requested  to  hurry  his  men  across 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill          267 

the  Neck,  Stark  replied,  "One  fresh  man  in 
action  is  worth  ten  fatigued  ones,"  l  and 
would  not  change  his  step.  Marching  down 
the  slope  of  Bunker  Hill,  he  quickly  noted 
that  between  the  rail  fence  and  the  water  the 
beach  was  unguarded.  "I  saw  there,"  he 
said  afterward,  "the  way  so  plain  that  the 
enemy  could  not  miss  it." 2  Before  the 
attack  could  begin,  Stark's  men  threw  up  a 
rude  breastwork  of  cobbles  behind  which 
they  could  find  a  little  shelter. — And  now 
at  last  the  American  defences  were  completed, 
just  as  the  troops  were  in  motion  to  attack 
them. 

At  this  point  Howe  neglected  a  method  of 
attack  which  would  have  made  his  victory 
immediate.  The  rail  fence,  and  Stark's  de 
fence  upon  the  beach,  were  open  to  attack 
from  the  river.  We  have  seen  that  two  float 
ing  batteries  ("large  flat  boats,"  says  Lieu 
tenant  Barker,  "sides  raised  and  musquet 

1  Dearborn's  account  of  the  battle,  Historical  Maga 
zine  for  1864. 

2  Bancroft,  v,  612. 


268  The  Siege  of  Boston 

proof")  were  used  to  bombard  the  redoubt. 
These,  like  the  shipping  and  the  Boston  bat 
teries,  did  no  good  whatever.  But  placed 
in  the  Mystic  in  the  proper  position,  they 
could  have  raked  the  rail  fence.  "Had  these 
boats  been  with  us,"  says  our  lieutenant, 
".  .  .  they  would  have  taken  a  part  of  the 
Rebels  entrenchment  in  flank,  and  in  their 
retreat  wou'd  have  cut  off  numbers."  But 
Howe  was  only  a  soldier,  such  an  aid  ap 
parently  never  occurred  to  him,  and  the  float 
ing  batteries  —  gondolas,  as  they  were  called 
—  remained  on  the  southern  side  of  the  penin 
sula.  He  ordered  the  attack. 

The  attack  was  triple,  but  the  artillery  fire, 
on  which  Howe  had  counted,  was  at  first 
valueless,  because  for  the  six-pounders  had 
been  sent  over  mostly  nine-pound  shot,  thanks 
to  the  chief  of  artillery,  who  was  afterward 
supposed  to  be  making  love  to  the  school 
master's  daughter.  The  cannon,  further,  got 
into  the  marshy  ground,  and  could  not  find 
an  effective  position.  So  the  real  assault  was 
first  delivered  by  the  troops  alone,  one  de- 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill          269 

tachment  marching  against  the  redoubt,  and 
one  against  the  rail  fence. 

The  troops  moved  with  great  confidence. 
According  to  the  habit  of  the  time,  they  were 
completely  equipped  as  for  an  expedition, 
with  blankets  and  three-days'  rations.  It 
has  been  computed  that  each  soldier  carried 
about  a  hundred  and  twenty  pounds.1  They 
were,  therefore,  greatly  burdened  at  best; 
and  on  so  hot  a  day,  with  the  grass  to  their 
knees,  and  many  fences  to  cross,  their  task 
was  the  worse.  But  they  advanced  with 
great  composure,  and  apparently  forgetting 
the  I Qth  of  April  they  were  deployed  in  open 
order,  as  if  to  present  each  marksman  with 
a  separate  target.  Howe  led  those  who 
marched  at  the  rail  fence,  and  General  Pigot 
led  the  assault  upon  the  redoubt.  Both 
bodies  of  the  regulars  advanced  with  occa 
sional  ineffective  volleys. 

At  first,  says  tradition,  a  few  Americans 
fired  when  the  troops  came  in  range,  but 

1  Ross's  "  Life  of  Cornwallis,"  quoted  in  Fonblanque's 
"Burgoyne,"  159. 


270  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Prescott  and  his  officers,  leaping  upon  the 
parapet  of  the  redoubt,  kicked  up  the  muzzles 
of  the  guns.  If  the  men  would  but  obey 
him,  Prescott  told  them,  not  a  British  soldier 
would  get  within  the  redoubt.  At  the  rail 
fence  the  men  were  likewise  prevented  from 
firing,  Putnam  threatening  to  cut  down  any 
who  disobeyed.  They  were  ordered  not  to 
shoot  until  the  regulars  passed  a  stake  which 
Stark  set  up  for  a  mark.  Many  familiar  say 
ings  were  passed  among  the  provincials : 
"Wait  till  you  see  the  whites  of  their  eyes  ! 
Aim  at  the  crossing  of  the  belts  !  Pick  out 
the  handsome  coats  !" 

As  if  to  add  to  the  impressiveness  of  the 
scene,  it  was  about  this  time  that  Charles- 
town,  set  on  fire  a  little  while  before,  that  it 
should  not  give  cover  to  the  Americans,  and 
that  the  smoke  should  confuse  the  rebels, 
burst  into  general  conflagration.  The  town 
had  been  for  weeks  almost  deserted,  in  dread 
of  this  fate ;  now  at  the  command  of  Howe 
red-hot  shot  were  thrown  in  among  the  houses, 
and  marines  landed  from  the  ships  and  fired 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill  271 

the  wharves  and  waterside  buildings.  The 
act  was,  however,  a  wanton  one,  for  no  ad 
vantage  was  gained  or  lost  to  either  side  by 
the  fire.1 

At    last    the    troops    were    near    enough. 

1  The  picturesqueness  of  this  scene  has  been  remarked 
by  many  writers.  The  best  contemporary  description 
is,  of  course,  Burgoyne's.  "To  consider  this  action  as  a 
soldier,  it  comprised,  though  in  a  small  compass,  almost 
every  branch  of  military  duty  and  curiosity.  Troops 
landed  in  the  face  of  an  enemy;  a  fine  disposition;  a 
march  sustained  by  a  powerful  cannonade  by  moving 
field  artillery,  fixed  batteries,  floating  batteries,  and 
broadsides  of  ships  at  anchor,  all  operating  separately 
and  well  disposed ;  a  deployment  from  the  march  to 
form  for  the  attack  of  the  entrenchments  and  redoubt ; 
a  vigorous  defence ;  a  storm  with  bayonets  ;  a  large  and 
fine  town  set  on  fire  by  shells.  Whole  streets  of  houses, 
ships  upon  the  stocks,  a  number  of  churches,  all  sending 
up  volumes  of  smoke  and  flame,  or  falling  together  in 
ruins,  were  capital  objects.  A  prospect  of  the  neigh 
boring  hills,  the  steeples  of  Boston,  and  the  masts  of 
such  ships  as  were  unemployed  in  the  harbor,  all  crowded 
with  spectators,  friends  and  foes  alike  in  anxious  sus 
pense,  made  a  background  to  the  piece ;  and  the  whole 
together  composed  a  representation  of  war  that  I  think 
the  imagination  of  Lebrun  never  reached."  —  FON- 
BLANQUE,  "Burgoyne,"  156. 


272  The  Siege  of  Boston 

They  had  themselves  been  firing  for  some 
time,  volleying  as  they  advanced,  but  firing 
too  high.  Now,  as  they  reached  a  line  some 
eight  or  ten  rods  from  the  redoubt,  Prescott 
gave  the  word  to  fire,  and  to  continue  firing. 
The  discharge  from  the  redoubt  was  close, 
deadly,  and  incessant,  while  at  the  rail  fence 
the  reception  of  the  British  was  even  more 
fatal.  For  a  few  minutes  the  regulars  held 
their  ground,  returning  the  fire  as  best  they 
might,  yet  decimated  by  the  American  bul 
lets,  and  seeing  their  officers  falling  all  about 
them.  There  was  no  hope  to  advance,  and 
sullenly  they  withdrew. 

If  ever  there  was  a  moment  that  marked 
the  fate  of  our  nation,  it  was  that  one.  It 
forecast  Bennington,  Saratoga,  and  York- 
town,  Gettysburg  and  the  Wilderness.  Well 
might  the  provincials  exult  as  they  saw  the 
retreat  of  the  regulars ;  and  well  might  Wash 
ington  exclaim,  when  he  learned  that  the 
farmers  had  driven  the  British,  "  Then  the 
liberties  of  the  country  are  safe!"1 

1  Lodge's  "Washington,"  i,  133. 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill  273 

But  the  battle  was  not  yet  won.  The 
slaughter  among  the  officers  was  frightful, 
yet  the  leaders  were  uninjured.  Howe  gave 
the  order,  the  troops  formed  again,  and  again 
advanced  to  the  attack.  The  Americans 
admired  them  as  they  approached,  preserving 
unbroken  order,  and  stepping  over  the  bodies 
of  the  slain  as  if  they  had  been  logs  of  wood. 
This  time  the  troops  were  allowed  to  come 
nearer  yet,  but  when  the  provincials  fired 
at  the  word  the  carnage  was  greater  than 
before.  In  the  smoke  the  officers  were  seen 
urging  their  men,  striking  them  with  their 
sword  hilts,  and  even  pricking  them  with  the 
points.  But  it  was  in  vain.  The  officers 
themselves  were  shot  down  in  unheard-of 
proportion,  and  at  the  rail  fence  those  who 
survived  out  of  full  companies  of  thirty- 
nine  were  in  some  cases  only  three,  or  four, 
or  five.  Nothing  could  be  done  under  such 
a  fire.  Leaving  their  dead  within  a  few 
yards  of  the  American  lines,  for  a  second  time 
the  British  retreated. 

At  last  Howe  had  learned  his  lesson.    While 


274  The  Siege  of  Boston 

his  officers,  for  the  sake  of  the  men,  implored 
him  to  find  some  other  way  to  conquer  the 
redoubt,  he  determined  on  a  third  assault. 
He  ordered  that  the  knapsacks  be  left  behind, 
and  that  the  troops  be  formed  in  column. 
In  the  work  of  rallying  the  disheartened 
men  he  was  ably  helped  by  Clinton,  who, 
observing  a  detachment  in  disorder  near 
their  boats,  impetuously  hurried  across  the 
river,  reformed  their  ranks,  and  put  himself 
at  their  head.  Some  four  hundred  marines 
came  over  as  reinforcements ;  according  to 
Lieutenant  Barker,  the  47th  regiment  came 
also.  Howe  disposed  his  forces  in  three 
columns,  to  attack  the  three  faces  of  the 
redoubt. 

Between  the  first  and  second  assaults 
there  had  been  less  than  half  an  hour's  in 
terval.  This  time  the  wait  was  longer,  and 
the  Americans  ineffectually  sought  to  take 
advantage  of  it.  Messengers  were  again  sent 
to  Ward ;  the  general,  learning  at  last  that 
so  many  of  the  British  forces  were  occupied 
in  the  battle  that  Cambridge  was  safe  from 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill  275 

an  attack,  gave  orders  that  more  regiments 
should  go  to  Prescott's  assistance.  To  save 
the  day  there  was  yet  time,  but  of  the  regi 
ments  thus  ordered,  few  companies  reached 
the  ground,  and  fewer  still  took  part  in  the 
action.  And  in  this  the  weakness  of  the 
American  organization  was  sadly  evident. 
From  first  to  last  Ward  seems  to  have  sent 
to  Bunker  Hill  sufficient  force  to  have  won 
the  battle ;  but  as  he  never  left  his  house 
he  could  take  no  pains  to  make  sure  that 
his  orders  were  obeyed.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
of  the  regiments  despatched,  one  went  to 
Lechmere's  Point,  where  it  must  have  secured 
an  excellent  view  of  the  battle,  but  was  com 
pletely  useless.  Being  next  ordered  "to  the 
hill,"  it  was  conducted  by  its  colonel,  James 
Scammans,  to  Cobble  Hill ;  thence  he  sent 
to  Bunker  Hill  to  learn  if  he  was  wanted. 
Receiving  a  vigorous  reply  from  Putnam, 
Scammans  at  last  marched  his  men  to  Bunker 
Hill,  reaching  the  top  in  time  to  witness 
the  end  of  the  battle.  In  similar  fashion 
young  Major  Gridleyof  the  artillery  battalion, 


276  The  Siege  of  Boston 

whom  " parental  partiality"  had  given  too 
much  responsibility,  took  post  at  a  distance, 
and  fired  at  the  shipping.  Both  Scammans 
and  Gridley  were  later  court-martialled. 
Other  officers  lost  their  way,  or,  like  Colonel 
Mansfield,  who  stayed  with  his  regiment  to 
"support"  Gridley  in  his  position  of  safety, 
disobeyed  orders. 

These  facts  serve  to  show  not  only  the  con 
fusion  of  the  day,  but  also  the  bad  judgment, 
to  use  no  stronger  phrase,  of  unseasoned 
soldiers.  It  is  fair  to  say  that  the  hesitancy 
of  some  was  offset  by  the  heroism  of  others. 
When  Colonel  Gerrish,  who  was  later  cash 
iered,  could  bring  his  men  no  further  for 
ward  than  Bunker  Hill,  his  adjutant,  Chris 
tian  Febiger,  a  Dane,  led  a  part  of  the  com 
mand  to  the  rail  fence,  and  fought  bravely 
there.  One  of  the  captains  of  artillery,  dis 
regarding  Gridley's  commands,  took  his  two 
guns  to  Charlestown,  and  served  one  of 
them  at  the  rail  fence.  Other  individuals 
named  and  unnamed,  with  or  without  orders, 
went  to  the  field,  took  post  where  they  could, 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill          277 

and  fought  for  their  own  hand.  Yet  these 
are  scattered  instances  in  the  midst  of  too 
many  failures  to  obey.  Those  who  did  march 
down  to  the  field  of  carnage,  with  "no  more 
thought,"  as  one  of  them  confessed,  "of 
ever  rising  the  hill  again  than  I  had  of  as 
cending  to  Heaven,  as  Elijah  did,  soul  and 
body  together,"  -  those  who  thus  devoted 
themselves  left  many  behind  on  the  safe 
side  of  Bunker  Hill,  or  posted  ineffectively 
behind  distant  fences  or  trees.  Of  the  thou 
sand  Americans  who  during  this  last  pause 
in  the  battle  might  have  reached  the  post 
of  danger,  not  enough  arrived  to  affect  the 
result. 

At  last,  while  aides  were  still  beating  up 
for  more  support,  and  Putnam  himself  was 
returning  from  a  similar  errand,  Howe  put 
his  troops  in  motion.  This  time  the  move 
ment  against  the  rail  fence  was  but  a  feint ; 
and  now  for  the  first  time  the  artillery  of 
either  side  did  effective  service  in  the  battle. 
Against  the  protest  of  the  artillery  officers 
that  the  ground  was  too  soft  to  take  better 


278  The  Siege  of  Boston 

position,  Howe  ordered  them  forward,  and 
they  loyally  obeyed.  They  found  a  post 
from  which  they  could  enfilade  the  breast 
work,  and  at  their  first  discharge  of  grape 
sent  its  defenders  into  the  redoubt  for  safety. 
It  was  the  beginning  of  the  end.  Prescott, 
as  he  saw  the  breastwork  abandoned,  and 
marked  the  three  advancing  columns,  saw 
that  the  redoubt  was  doomed. 

And  yet  the  day  ought  not  to  have  been 
lost.  Had  Ward  but  sent  a  hundred  pounds 
of  powder,  the  fight  might  have  been  won. 
But  Prescott  looked  for  it  in  vain.  Or  had 
those  men,  whom  he  saw  shooting  at  long 
range  from  positions  of  safety,  come  for 
ward  to  reinforce  the  defenders  of  the  redoubt, 
the  scales  might  have  been  turned.  But 
the  fight  was  to  end  as  it  had  begun,  with 
Prescott's  small  detachment  still  unsupported, 
left  all  day  without  food  or  water,  and  now 
at  the  end  without  powder.  As  the  troops 
climbed  the  hill  a  few  artillery  cartridges 
were  opened  and  their  powder  distributed 
among  the  provincials.  Some  of  the  men 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill  279 

thus  had  three  or  four  charges  to  their  guns, 
some  had  only  one ;  besides  this,  there  were 
few  bayonets  among  them.  The  wonder  is 
that  the  men  awaited  the  assault. 

This  time  the  regulars  came  within  twenty 
yards  of  the  redoubt  before  the  word  was 
given  to  fire.  The  heads  of  the  columns 
were  swept  away,  but  the  rest  came  on,  and 
mounted  the  parapet.  The  first  who  topped 
it  were  shot  down,  among  them  Pitcairn. 
But  then  the  American  powder  was  spent,  and 
from  three  sides  the  British  swarmed  into 
the  redoubt.  Reluctantly  Prescott  gave  his 
men  the  word  to  retreat. 

For  a  few  moments  the  fighting  was  fierce. 
Some  of  the  provincials  were  unwilling  to  run, 
and  fought  till  they  were  killed.  Some  used 
stones,  and  some  their  clubbed  muskets,  re 
tiring  unwillingly.  It  might  be  supposed  that 
the  slaughter  was  great.  But  the  British, 
for  the  very  reason  that  they  had  entered  from 
three  sides,  were  afraid  to  fire  on  the  farmers 
for  the  sake  of  their  own  men ;  the  dust  rose 
up  in  clouds,  and  so  in  the  confusion  most 


280  The  Siege  of  Boston 

of  the  defenders  escaped,  like  Peter  Brown, 
who  wrote  his  mother :  "  I  was  not  suffered 
to  be  touched,  although  I  was  in  the  front 
when  the  enemy  came  in,  and  jumped  over 
the  walls,  and  ran  half  a  mile,  where  balls 
flew  like  hailstones,  and  cannon  roared  like 
thunder."1 

Prescott  came  off  unhurt.  Those  who  saw 
him  said  that  he  "stepped  long,  with  his 
sword  up."  He  saved  his  life  by  parrying 
the  bayonets  which  were  thrust  at  him,  al 
though  some  of  them  pierced  his  clothes. 

That  more  were  not  killed  in  the  pursuit 
was  due  to  two  factors.  The  first  was  the 
exhaustion  of  the  soldiers,  who,  tired  with 
carrying  heavy  loads  in  the  unwonted  heat 
(and  an  American  summer  is  like  the  trop 
ics  to  an  Englishman),  were  winded  with 
their  last  charge  up  the  hill.  They  were 
therefore  in  no  good  condition  to  follow  up 
their  victory,  and  the  fugitives  were  soon 
away  beyond  Bunker  Hill.  Yet  that  the 
pursuit  was  so  poor  was  due  partly  to  the 

1  Appendix  to  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  393. 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill  281 

defenders  of  the  rail  fence.  These  men, 
more  like  veteran  regiments  than  fragments 
of  many  commands,  withdrew  in  a  body, 
continually  threatening  those  who  offered 
to  close  in  from  behind.  The  end  of  the 
fight  was  as  honorable  to  them  as  its  be 
ginning. 

But  there  was  much  loss.  A  number 
were  killed  in  the  redoubt,  and  the  slopes  of 
Bunker  Hill  were  dotted  with  slain,  killed  by 
bullets  and  cannon  shot.  At  the  Neck  some 
few  more  were  killed.  The  total  of  dead, 
according  to  Ward's  record,  was  115,  of  the 
wounded  305,  of  the  captured  30.  Slightly 
varying  totals  are  reported.1 

The  great  personal  loss  on  the  part  of  the 
Americans  was  in  the  death  of  Warren. 
There  had  been  no  need  of  his  coming,  and 
his  value  for  higher  services --he  was  presi 
dent  of  the  provincial  congress  and  had 
just  been  appointed  a  major-general  —  was 
greater  than  at  the  post  of  actual  conflict. 

1  Washington  reported  later  139  killed,  36  missing, 
278  wounded. 


282  The  Siege  of  Boston 

But  his  fiery  spirit,  of  which  we  have  seen 
so  much,  would  not  be  denied.  That  day 
he  waked  with  a  headache,  but  on  learning 
of  the  expected  battle  he  declared  himself 
well.  Friends  tried  to  detain  him,  but  he 
replied  with  the  Latin  phrase,  "It  is  sweet 
and  becoming  to  die  for  one's  country." 
On  reaching  the  field  he  met  Putnam,  who 
offered  to  take  his  orders.  But  Warren  had 
come  as  a  volunteer,  and  asked  where  he 
should  go.  Putnam  showed  him  the  redoubt, 
saying,  "There  you  will  be  covered." 

"Don't  think,"  said  Warren,  "that  I  come 
to  seek  a  place  of  safety ;  but  tell  me  where 
the  onset  will  be  most  furious." 

Putnam  still  sent  him  to  the  redoubt. 
"That  is  the  enemy's  object." 

Warren  went  to  the  redoubt,  where  the  men 
received  him  with  cheers,  and  Prescott  of 
fered  him  command.  But  Warren  still  de 
clined,  took  a  musket,  and  fought  with  the 
men.  There  is  no  doubt  that  part  of  the 
credit  of  the  stout  defence  belongs  to  him. 
When  the  retreat  was  ordered  he  withdrew 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill          283 

unwillingly,  and  was  among  the  last  to  leave 
the  redoubt.  After  he  had  gone  but  a  little 
way  in  the  open  field  he  was  shot  in  the  head, 
and  died  instantly.  Once,  when  the  British 
questioned  the  courage  of  the  Americans, 
he  had  said,  "By  Heavens,  I  hope  I  shall  die 
up  to  my  knees  in  blood  ! "  He  had  had  his 
wish. 

Warren's  death  at  the  time  was  not  cer 
tainly  known  to  either  friend  or  foe ;  his  body 
was  buried  on  the  field,  and  was  disinterred 
and  identified  only  after  the  evacuation. 
Of  the  Boston  leaders,  he  was  the  only  one 
who  gave  his  life  for  the  cause.  He  was 
sadly  missed,  a  man  of  keen  intellect  and 
excellent  political  sense,  of  deep  sympathies, 
and  high  honor.  A  magnetic  leader,  he 
could  ill  be  spared. 

The  last  figure  on  the  battle-field  was 
Putnam's.  At  the  unfinished  fortification  on 
Bunker  Hill  he  implored  the  fugitives  to  rally 
and  "give  them  one  shot  more."  The  pro 
fanity  which  he  used  on  this  occasion  he  after 
wards  penitently  acknowledged  in  church. 


284  The  Siege  of  Boston 

He  retired  only  when  the  pursuers  were  close 
behind,  but  went  no  further  than  Prospect 
Hill.  There,  seizing  on  the  chance  which  so 
long  had  been  denied  him,  without  orders  he 
collected  men  and  commenced  another  re 
doubt.  The  next  day  he  was  found  there, 
unwashed,  still  digging,  and  ready  for  another 
battle. 

Prescott  returned  to  Cambridge,  reported 
at  headquarters,  and  offered  if  given  sufficient 
troops  to  retake  the  hill.  But  Ward  was 
afraid  of  his  own  position,  and  would  not 
sanction  the  attempt. 

The  British  loss  was  very  heavy,  about 
one  thousand  and  fifty,  of  whom  a  quarter 
were  killed,  while  ninety-two  among  the 
dead  were  officers.  Pitcairn  was  carried  to 
Boston,  and  died  there.  Colonel  Abercrom- 
bie  was  killed,  and  many  others  of  lesser 
note.  As  soon  as  it  was  possible  the  wounded 
officers  were  conveyed  to  Boston  for  medical 
attendance,  and  we  have  in  Major  Clarke's 
narrative  a  dismal  picture  of  one  sad  proces 
sion.  "In  the  first  carriage  was  Major  Will- 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill          285 

iams,  bleeding  and  dying,  and  three  dead 
captains  of  the  fifty-second  regiment.  In  the 
second,  four  dead  officers ;  then  another  with 
wounded  officers." 

The  Americans,  at  first  discouraged  by 
their  defeat,  in  the  course  of  time  came  to 
regard  it  as  a  victory.  This  it  certainly  was 
not,  yet  it  had  all  the  moral  effect  of  a  British 
defeat.  The  regulars  learned  that  the  pro 
vincials  would  stand  up  to  them.  "Damn 
the  rebels,"  was  the  current  phrase;  "they 
would  not  flinch."  1  Many  of  the  officers  felt 
called  upon  to  explain,  in  letters  home,  the 
reason  for  the  defeat.  The  American  rifles, 
argued  one,  wrere  "peculiarly  adapted  to  take 
off  the  officers  of  a  whole  line  as  it  advances 
to  an  attack."  They  reasoned  that  the  re 
doubt,  whose  perfection  when  examined  was 
astonishing,  must  have  been  the  work  of 
days.  As  to  the  comparative  uselessness  of 
the  British  cannon,  it  was  explained  by  the 
nine-pound  shot  (some  say  twelve)  sent  for 
the  six-pounders.  Said  one  newspaper:  "It 

Diary  of  the  Revolution,"  no. 


286  The  Siege  of  Boston 

naturally  required  a  great  while  to  ram  down 
such  disproportioned  shot ;  nor  did  they, 
when  discharged,  fly  with  that  velocity  and 
true  direction  they  would  have  done,  had 
they  been  better  suited  to  the  size  of  the 
cannon."  l 

But  aside  from  a  few  such  absurdities,  the 
body  of  the  army  and  the  British  public 
recognized  at  last  that  they  had  formidable 
antagonists.  This  was  no  such  fight  as  that 
on  the  I  Qth  of  April,  when  the  shifting  pro 
vincials  gave  the  regulars  nothing  to  strike 
at.  This  was  a  pitched  battle,  and  the 
farmers  had  all  but  won  it.  The  British 
were  amazed  by  the  stubborn  defence,  and 
the  rapidity  and  accuracy  of  the  American 
fire.  The  proportion  of  killed  among  the 
officers  was  greater  than  any  before  known, 
and  veterans  admitted  that  the  slaughter  was 
worse  than  at  Minden,  the  deadliest  of  recent 
European  battles.  It  is  with  reason,  then, 
that  Boston  still  celebrates  Bunker  Hill.  It 

1  These  two  quotations  are  from  Frothingham's 
"  Siege." 


The  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill          287 

was  the  first  signal  proof  of  American  cour 
age,  and  forecast  the  success  of  the  siege.  In 
deed,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  Bunker 
Hill  battle  had  influence  in  deciding  the  out 
come  of  the  war.  Howe,  destined  to  be  the 
leader  of  the  British  forces,  never  forgot  the 
lesson  of  the  redoubt  on  Breed's  Hill,  or  of 
the  flimsy  fence  of  rails  and  hay.  It  was 
seldom  that  he  could  resolve  to  send  his  men 
against  a  rebel  entrenchment. 


CHAPTER  XI 

WASHINGTON    TAKES    COMMAND 

THE  immediate  effect  of  the  battle  of 
Bunker  Hill  upon  the  American  army 
—  or  rather  armies  —  was  one  of  dis 
may.  The  result  was  confusion.  In  fact,  no 
study  of  the  battle  can  fail  to  impress  the 
examiner  with  the  belief  that  outside  the  re 
doubt  the  whole  conduct  of  the  Americans 
was  haphazard.  Except  for  Stark's  regiment, 
which  itself  came  on  in  detachments,  the  re 
inforcements  dribbled  to  the  field  in  com 
panies,  platoons,  or  squads.  They  placed 
themselves  where  the  hasty  judgment  of 
Putnam  directed  them,  or  if  he  was  absent 
to  beat  up  for  more  troops,  chose  their  own 
positions  and  fought  under  their  own  officers. 
Putnam  gave  orders,  yet  was  not  always 
obeyed ;  and  sent  urgently  for  reinforcements, 
but,  though  his  demands  were  received  by 

288 


Washington  takes  Command         289 

officers  from  other  colonies,  got  no  response.1 
In  this  individual  character  of  the  fighting  the 
day  was  much  like  that  of  the  iQth  of  April. 
And  after  the  battle  conditions  were  much 
the  same.  Putnam  commenced  independ 
ently  to  fortify  Prospect  Hill.  On  Winter 
Hill  the  New  Hampshire  troops  made  a  re 
doubt,  and  at  Roxbury  General  Thomas 
hastily  strengthened  his  position.  Even  at 
Cambridge  Ward  began  to  fortify.  Word 
had  been  sent  out  to  summon  the  militia, 
and  as  on  the  iQth  of  April  these  responded 
with  alacrity  and  in  great  numbers.  It  was 
hourly  expected  that  the  British  would  sally 
from  Boston,  and  the  provincials  kept  them 
selves  in  a  confused  readiness.  In  the  mean 
time  the  British  cannon  played  steadily  on 
the  American  fortifications,  and  the  thunder 
of  the  artillery  spread  apprehension  in  the 

1  One  Massachusetts  colonel,  who  had  urgently 
applied  to  Ward  for  permission  to  go  to  the  Hill, 
but  was  refused,  three  times  ignored  the  order  of 
Putnam  to  come  to  his  assistance  —  Putnam  being 
from  Connecticut.  See  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  168, 
note. 


290  The  Siege  of  Boston 

neighboring  country.  Abigail  Adams  wrote 
from  Braintree :  "The  battle  began  upon  our 
intrenchments  upon  Bunker's  Hill,  Saturday 
morning  about  three  o'clock,  and  has  not 
ceased  yet,  and  it  is  now  three  o'clock  Sab 
bath  afternoon.  It  is  expected  they  will 
come  out  over  the  Neck  to-night,  and  a 
dreadful  battle  must  ensue."  1  Yet  the 
British  did  not  come  out,  quiet  gradually 
fell  on  the  two  armies,  the  militia  returned  to 
their  homes,  and  the  conduct  of  the  siege 
entered  on  a  new  phase. 

Now  more  than  ever  the  Americans  recog 
nized  that  conditions  were  precarious,  and 
that  the  greatest  need  was  for  a  better  organi 
zation.  Zeal  was  not  wanting.  Whenever 
the  British  cannonade  recommenced,  when 
ever  there  were  rumors  of  an  attack,  the 
troops  were  ready  for  a  fight.  But  means  of 
communication,  and  prompt  and  efficient 
subordination,  still  were  lacking.  Nor  does 
it  appear  that  those  on  the  ground  were  able, 
handicapped  as  they  were  by  orders  from  the 

1  Adams  Letters,  67. 


Washington  takes  Command         291 

different  provincial  assemblies,  to  produce 
the  necessary  system.  Higher  political  and 
military  authority  both  were  needed  before 
the  army  could  be  efficient.  Very  fortunately 
events  had  been  preparing  to  supply  them. 

Since  the  middle  of  May  the  second  Con 
tinental  Congress  had  been  sitting  in  Phila 
delphia.  Among  the  Massachusetts  delegates 
were  Hancock  and  the  two  Adamses.  Gage 
on  the  1 2th  of  June  had  consigned  Samuel 
Adams  and  Hancock  to  the  gallows,  but 
Hancock  was  serving  as  president  of  the 
Congress,  while  the  Adamses  were  important 
members  of  committees.  They  watched  and 
waited  for  the  growth  of  a  sentiment  which 
should  support  New  England  in  its  resistance. 

The  position  of  the  Congress  was  without 
precedent.  An  illegal  body,  its  delegates 
were  elected  by  conventions  improperly  con 
stituted.  It  had  no  authority  to  raise  money, 
to  purchase  arms,  or  to  direct  the  actions  of 
the  provinces.  Though  in  New  England  war 
was  in  progress,  many  of  the  delegates  loved 
the  old  order  of  things,  and  were  not  yet 


292  The  Siege  of  Boston 

ready  to  move  toward  independence.  The 
first  actions  of  the  Congress  were  for  concilia 
tion. 

There  were  those  who  saw  that  this  was 
impossible.  Of  the  New  England  delegates, 
very  few  ever  again  hoped  for  what  was  called 
"an  accommodation."  Washington,  on  his 
part,  saw  clearly  that  the  end  of  the  old 
order  had  come.  Franklin  knew  that  inde 
pendence  would  be  the  result  of  the  changes 
then  in  progress.  Yet  these  men,  and  others 
like  them,  knew  also  that  they  could  not 
hurry  the  Congress  into  radical  action,  and 
waited  the  effect  of  time.  For  weeks  the 
Congress  discussed  and  argued,  and  finally 
passed  a  resolve  that  uan  humble  and  dutiful 
petition  be  presented  to  his  majesty."  1  This 
would  give  a  chance  for  feelings  to  cool,  and 
for  the  supporters  of  the  king  to  work  for  his 
interest. 

But  events  would  not  stand  still.  In  Eng 
land  the  news  of  Concord  had  not  moved  the 
king  to  lenity  ;  he  saw  no  lesson  in  the  tragedy, 

1  Bancroft,  iv,  583. 


Washington  takes  Command         293 

and  insisted  on  pressing  his  policy.  Lord 
North's  feeble  endeavor  to  resign  was  checked, 
supplies  were  sent  to  Virginia  to  support  the 
governor  in  his  project  of  a  rising  of  the 
slaves,  a  scheme  was  pressed  to  raise  in  Caro 
lina  a  regiment  of  veteran  Highlanders,  and 
orders  were  sent  to  rouse  the  Iroquois  against 
the  rebels.  Further,  the  king  planned  to 
strengthen  his  forces  by  hiring  troops  from 
the  continent  of  Europe. 

News  of  all  this,  coming  across  the  Atlantic, 
by  degrees  changed  the  aspect  of  affairs,  and 
made  the  members  of  the  Congress  doubtful 
of  reconciliation.  They  began  to  look  to 
their  own  positions,  and  to  feel  that,  as  Frank 
lin  said,  unless  they  hung  together  they 
would  all  hang  separately.  To  remind  them 
what  they  could  do  in  self-defence  the  needs 
of  the  army  around  Boston  were  frequently 
brought  to  their  attention.  Its  discipline, 
equipment,  and  leadership  were  poor.  At 
last  came  a  petition  from  Massachusetts, 
begging  that  Congress  should  "take  com 
mand  of  the  army  by  appointing  a  generalis- 


294  The  Siege  of  Boston 

simo."  l  Such  a  step  was  open  and  complete 
rebellion,  and  the  Congress  hesitated.  By 
private  letters  to  Samuel  Adams  the  desired 
leader  was  pointed  out :  Washington. 

The  choice  was  doubly  wise.  To  the 
Adamses  it  had  been  plain  that,  though 
Hancock  was  desirous  of  the  post,  it  should 
not  be  given  to  a  New  Englander.  The  New 
England  army  would  be  knit  together,  and 
its  provincial  jealousies  appeased,  by  the 
appointment  of  a  general  from  another  sec 
tion.  Further,  in  all  the  continent  there 
was  not  another  man  of  Washington's  ex 
perience,  ability,  and  steadfastness. 

Washington  was  then  in  the  prime  of  life, 
forty-three  years  of  age,  and  of  such  physique 
as  was  needed  for  the  bearer  of  the  greatest 
burden  that  had  ever  been  put  upon  an 
American.  He  was  tall,  finely  built,  majestic 
in  carnage  and  impressive  of  feature,  and 
accustomed  from  his  youth  to  exposure, 
hardship,  and  constant  exertion.  He  had 
long  been  used  to  depending  upon  himself, 

1  Bancroft,  iv,  590. 


Washington  takes  Command         295 

and  had  acquired  an  independent  judgment 
that  was  almost  unerring.  Further,  that 
judgment  had  been  exercised  on  military 
matters.  While  Hancock  had  been  at  best 
the  captain  of  a  militia  company  in  time  of 
peace,  Washington  had  from  his  nineteenth 
year  been  commissioned  with  higher  com 
mands,  and  had  seen  much  active  service. 
More  than  one  campaign  owed  its  success 
against  the  Indians  largely  to  him,  and  it  was 
he  and  his  Virginians  who  saved  the  remnant 
at  Braddock's  defeat.  He  had  a  strong 
temper  under  almost  perfect  control,  patience 
and  persistence  in  equal  amounts,  and,  with 
a  wonderful  reserve,  the  quality  of  winning 
the  confidence  of  all  honest  men. 

Besides  all  this,  he  was  heart  and  soul  in 
the  cause.  While  others  had  discussed  and 
hesitated,  he  had  long  ago  made  up  his  mind, 
not  only  that  the  quarrel  with  the  king  would 
come  to  violence,  but  that  all  Americans 
should  resist  to  the  utmost.  "Shall  we,"  he 
asked  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  after  enumerat 
ing  Gage's  despotic  acts,  "shall  we  after  this 


296  The  Siege  of  Boston 

whine  and  cry  for  relief,  when  we  have  already 
tried  it  in  vain  ?  Or  shall  we  supinely  sit 
and  see  one  province  after  another  fall  a 
sacrifice  to  despotism?"  In  a  letter  to  a 
British  officer  at  Boston,  he  says,  "Permit 
me  with  the  freedom  of  a  friend  (for  you 
know  I  always  esteemed  you),  to  express  my 
sorrow  that  fortune  should  place  you  in  a 
service  that  must  fix  curses  to  the  latest 
posterity  upon  the  contrivers,  and,  if  success 
(which,  by  the  by,  is  impossible)  accompanies 
it,  execrations  upon  all  those  who  have  been 
instrumental  in  the  execution.  .  .  .  Give  me 
leave  to  add  as  my  opinion  that  more  blood 
will  be  spilled  on  this  occasion,  if  the  minis 
try  are  determined  to  push  matters  to  ex 
tremity,  than  history  has  ever  yet  furnished 
instances  of  in  the  annals  of  North  America, 
and  such  a  vital  wound  will  be  given  to  the 
peace  of  this  great  country,  as  time  itself 
cannot  cure  or  eradicate  the  remembrance 
of."  Few  in  those  days  had  such  certainty 
of  the  result  of  an  outbreak,  and  few  were 
so  ready  to  participate  in  one.  In  the  Vir- 


Washington  takes  Command         297 

ginia  convention  he  said,  "I  will  raise  a  thou 
sand  men,  subsist  them  at  my  own  expense, 
and  march  them  to  the  relief  of  Boston."  No 
wonder  this  was  designated  "the  most  elo 
quent  speech  that  ever  was  made."  He  was 
not  called  on  to  make  good  his  promise,  but 
was  sent  to  the  two  continental  congresses. 
At  the  second  it  was  noticed  that  he  attended 
the  sittings  in  his  uniform  of  a  Virginia  colonel. 
Though  he  took  no  part  in  the  debates,  he 
made  himself  felt.  Patrick  Henry  said  of 
him  at  this  time:  "If  you  speak  of  solid  in 
formation  and  sound  judgment,  Colonel  Wash 
ington  is  unquestionably  the  greatest  man  on 
the  floor."  1 

To  make  the  Congress  "adopt"  the  army 
at  Boston,  and  to  have  Washington  appointed 
generalissimo,  became  the  task  of  John  Adams, 
who  at  this  time  did  the  country  perhaps  his 
greatest  service.  There  were  objections  to 
putting  a  Virginian  at  the  head  of  New  Eng- 
landers,  for  colonial  jealousies,  and  even 
colonial  lack  of  mutual  understanding,  might 

1  These  quotations  are  from  Lodge's  "Washington,"  i. 


298  The  Siege  of  Boston 

bring  about  a  fatal  sullenness  in  the  men. 
Adams  discussed  the  matter  in  private  with 
many  delegates,  and  could  not  succeed  even 
in  making  the  Massachusetts  and  Virginia 
representatives  agree.  At  last,  determined 
to  force  action,  one  morning  he  announced  to 
Samuel  Adams  that  something  must  be  done. 
"I  am  determined  this  morning  to  make  a 
direct  motion  that  Congress  should  adopt 
the  army  before  Boston,  and  appoint  Colonel 
Washington  commander  of  it.  Mr.  Adams," 
he  added  in  his  diary,  "seemed  to  think  very 
seriously  of  it,  but  said  nothing." 

Alone,  then,  but  determinedly  following 
his  inspiration,  John  Adams  laid  before  the 
Congress  his  proposal.  First  he  spoke  in 
favor  of  accepting  the  New  England  army 
as  the  army  of  the  continent ;  then  he  began 
a  eulogy  of  Washington.  Hancock's  eyes 
flashed  with  resentment,  and  Washington 
himself  slipped  from  the  room.  There  were 
a  few  days  of  delay  and  debate,  but  the 
energy  of  Adams  carried  his  proposals.  The 
Congress  adopted  the  army,  appointed  four 


Washington  takes  Command         299 

major-generals  and  eight  brigadiers,  and 
finally,  on  the  I5th  of  June,  chose  the  com- 
mander-in-chief.  On  the  iyth  of  June,  the 
day  of  Bunker  Hill,  Adams  wrote  joyfully 
to  his  wife :  "  I  can  now  inform  you  that  the 
Congress  have  made  choice  of  the  modest 
and  virtuous,  the  amiable,  generous,  and 
brave  George  Washington,  Esquire,  to  be 
General  of  the  American  Army."  1 

This  was  a  step  which  the  Congress  could 
not  retrace.  The  colonies  were  now  in  re 
bellion,  and  the  members,  as  they  realized 
that  the  noose  was  preparing  for  their  necks, 
voted  the  meagre  sum  of  twenty-five  thousand 
dollars  to  supply  with  powder  the  army 
which  alone  stood  between  them  and  a  sud 
den  taking  off.  Yet  the  significance  of  the  act 
was  not  yet  understood  by  the  colonies  at 
large,  for  a  few  days  later  the  assembly  of 
New  York  voted  military  escorts  both  to 
Washington  and  to  the  royalist  governor, 
who  happened  to  arrive  on  the  same  day. 

Washington  himself,  however,  knew  better 

1  Adams  Letters,  65. 


300  The  Siege  of  Boston 

than  any  man  the  consequence  of  the  momen 
tous  step.  He  foresaw  that  the  labor  would 
be  difficult  and  the  struggle  long.  On  the 
1 6th  of  June  he  accepted  his  commission,  but 
added:  "Lest  some  unlucky  event  should 
happen,  unfavorable  to  my  reputation,  I 
beg  it  to  be  remembered  by  every  gentleman 
in  the  room,  that  I,  this  day,  declare  with 
the  utmost  sincerity,  I  do  not  think  myself 
equal  to  the  command  I  am  honored  with. 

"As  to  pay,  Sir,  I  beg  leave  to  assure  the 
Congress,  that,  as  no  pecuniary  consideration 
could  have  tempted  me  to  accept  this  ar 
duous  employment,  at  the  expense  of  my 
domestic  ease  and  happiness,  I  do  not  wish 
to  make  any  profit  from  it.  I  will  keep  an 
exact  account  of  my  expenses.  These,  I 
doubt  not,  they  will  discharge ;  and  that  is 
all  I  desire."1 

As  soon  as  he  could  settle  his  affairs,  Wash 
ington  started  for  Boston.  In  New  York 
he  heard  the  news  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  was 
cheered  by  it.  He  arrived  on  July  2  in 

1  Sparks,  "Writings  of  Washington,"  iii,  I. 


Washington  takes  Command         301 

Watertown,  where  the  Massachusetts  con 
gress  was  sitting,  and  received  a  congratu 
latory  address.  He  then  pressed  on  to  Cam 
bridge,  which  he  reached  on  the  same  day. 
On  the  3d,  a  year  and  a  day  before  the  Dec 
laration  of  Independence,  and  according  to 
tradition  under  the  great  elm  still  standing 
near  Cambridge  Common,  he  took  command 
of  the  army. 

The  occasion  was  momentous,  and  was  so 
appreciated  by  a  few  at  the  time.  Would 
the  critical  volunteer  army  approve  of  its  new 
chief  ?  There  was  not  a  murmur  against 
him.  From  the  first  Washington's  magnifi 
cent  bearing  and  kingly  self-confidence  won 
the  admiration  of  his  men.  He  brought 
with  him  to  the  camp  at  Cambridge  two  who 
were  ambitious  to  displace  him,  yet  of  Lee  and 
Gates,  both  retired  English  officers,  the  first 
never  won  a  personal  following,  and  the  second 
achieved  but  the  meagre  dignity  of  leadership 
of  a  cabal.  From  the  moment  when  he  took 
command  of  the  army,  Washington  was,  in 
deed,  "first  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen." 


302  The  Siege  of  Boston 

And  the  student  of  our  history  cannot 
help  remarking  how  providential  it  was  that, 
almost  at  the  outset  of  this  struggle,  Wash 
ington  should  come  to  the  front.  Eighty- 
six  years  later,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Re 
bellion,  there  was  no  accepted  chief.  Lincoln 
was  doubted  by  the  North,  and  the  army 
had  no  true  leader.  By  a  slow  process  Lin 
coln's  commanding  strength  became  known ; 
by  an  equally  tedious  sifting  of  the  generals 
the  qualities  of  Grant,  Sherman,  Thomas, 
and  Meade  were  discovered.  Only  the  tre 
mendous  resources  of  the  North  could  have 
withstood  the  strain  of  such  a  delay.  Had 
the  same  process  been  necessary  at  the  out 
set  of  the  Revolution,  the  colonies  could 
scarcely  have  maintained  the  struggle.  Had 
not  Washington  been  at  hand,  accepted  by 
the  Congress  and  admired  by  the  army,  the 
virtual  leader  of  both,  the  chances  of  success 
would  have  been  slight.  But  he  was  Lincoln 
and  Grant  in  one.  Time  and  again,  through 
the  long  years,  it  was  Washington  alone  who 
brought  victory  from  defeat.  Without  him 


w  £ 
o  •- 
Q  g 


O 

Q      *J 


H     S 


Washington  takes  Command         303 

the  colonies  might  have  won  their  independ 
ence  as  the  result  of  an  almost  interminable 
guerilla  warfare ;  but  with  him  the  fight  was 
definite,  decisive,  glorious,  and  —  for  the  in 
fant  republic -- mercifully  short. 

The  army  was  now  in  the  hands  of  a  sol 
dier,  one  who  knew,  if  any  man  did,  what 
was  needed  to  make  the  raw  militiaman 
into  a  professional.  Washington  fell  at  once 
to  work.  " There  is  great  overturning  in 
camp,"  wrote  the  Reverend  William  Emerson, 
he  who  had  watched  Concord  Fight  from 
the  window  of  his  study.  "New  lords,  new 
laws.  The  Generals  Washington  and  Lee 
are  upon  the  lines  every  day.  New  orders 
from  his  Excellency  are  read  to  the  respective 
regiments  every  morning  after  prayers.  The 
strictest  government  is  taking  place,  and 
great  distinction  is  made  between  officers 
and  soldiers.  Every  one  is  made  to  know 
his  place  and  keep  in  it.  ...  Thousands 
are  at  work  every  day  from  four  till  eleven 
o'clock  in  the  morning."  1 

1  "Writings  of  Washington,"  iii,  491. 


304  The  Siege  of  Boston 

This  simple  statement  shows,  in  the  wonder 
of  the  clergyman,  not  merely  how  much  was 
now  being  done,  but  how  little  had  been  done 
before.  As  on  the  day  of  Bunker  Hill,  Ward 
had  been  a  headquarters  general,  but  Wash 
ington  was  "upon  the  lines."  Many  times 
later  we  find  him  exposing  himself  recklessly ; 
now  we  see  him  constantly  on  active  patrol 
of  his  outposts,  supervising  the  new  forti 
fications  or  the  carrying  out  of  the  new  regu 
lations. 

Apart  from  fortifying,  which  he  drove 
early  and  late,  his  immediate  difficulties  were 
with  the  army  organization,  and  these  diffi 
culties  began  immediately.  He  brought  with 
him  commissions  for  his  major-generals  and 
brigadiers,  and  the  commissions  of  the  former 
he  bestowed  at  once.  The  fourth  major- 
general  was  Putnam  of  Connecticut,  who 
had  had  as  his  colleague  Joseph  Spencer,  of 
the  same  colony.  "General  Spencer's  dis 
gust,"  wrote  Washington  on  the  loth  of 
July,  "was  so  great  at  General  Putnam's 
promotion,  that  he  left  the  army  without 


Washington  takes  Command         305 

visiting  me,  or  making  known  his  intention 
in  any  respect."1 

Upon  this,  Washington  prudently  with 
held  the  other  commissions,  and  proceeded 
cautiously,  with  regard  to  jealousies  among 
the  officers.  By  careful  diplomacy  he  suc 
ceeded  in  retaining  for  the  new  establishment 
the  services  of  most  of  the  colonial  brigadiers, 
for  Spencer  returned,  and  Thomas,  who  saw 
his  juniors  promoted  over  his  head,  agreed 
to  take  rank  beneath  them.  Only  one  among 
the  new  appointees,  Pomeroy,  the  veteran 
of  Louisburg  who  had  fought  at  the  rail 
fence  at  Bunker  Hill,  declined  his  commission. 
He  had  marvelled  that  in  the  battle  Warren 
should  be  taken  and  he,  "old  and  useless," 
be  left  unhurt.  Now  he  withdrew  from 
further  service  on  account  of  his  age ;  yet, 
going  later  upon  a  volunteer  expedition,  he 
died  of  exposure. 

Before  the  jealousies  of  the  higher  officers 
were  settled,  Washington  turned  to  the  smaller 
fry.  He  now  had  to  meet  the  nature  of  the 

1  "Writings  of  Washington,"  iii,  23. 


306  The  Siege  of  Boston 

New  England  volunteer.  "There  is  no  such 
thing,"  he  wrote  before  very  long,  "as  getting 
officers  of  this  stamp  to  carry  orders  into 
execution.  ...  I  have  made  a  pretty  good 
slam  among  such  kind  of  officers  as  the  Mas 
sachusetts  government  abounds  in,  having 
broke  one  colonel  and  two  captains  for  cow 
ardly  behaviour  in  the  action  on  Bunker 
Hill,  two  captains  for  drawing  more  pay  and 
provision  than  they  had  men  in  their  com 
pany,  and  one  for  being  absent  from  his  post 
when  the  enemy  appeared  and  burnt  a  house 
close  by  it.  ...  In  short,  I  spare  none, 
and  yet  fear  it  will  not  all  do,  as  these  people 
seem  to  be  attentive  to  everything  but  their 
own  interest."1 

Washington  was  experiencing  the  difficulties 
which  Lincoln  was  later  to  know,  in  dealing 
with  the  host  of  fair-weather  soldiers  and 
jobbing  self-seekers  who  come  to  the  front 
at  the  outset  of  a  war.  There  was  every 
reason  why  for  some  time  he  should  estimate 
the  New  England  character  from  what  he 

1  Lodge's  "Washington,"  i,  138. 


Washington  takes  Command         307 

saw  of  its  worst  side.  Yet  before  the  seven 
years  of  war  were  over  he  knew  its  better 
aspect.  Massachusetts  sent  to  the  war  nearly 
twice  as  many  men  as  any  other  colony,  and 
Connecticut  was  second.  Measured  by  this 
standard,  Washington's  own  colony  came 
third  in  devotion  to  the  cause.1 

We  know  that  later  he  acknowledged  his 
appreciation  of  the  devotion  of  New  England 
to  the  cause  and  to  his  person.  It  is  par 
ticularly  interesting  to  learn  that  he  reversed 
his  judgment  in  one  of  the  cases  mentioned 
above.  Among  those  cashiered  for  disobe 
dience  of  orders  and  alleged  cowardice  at 
Bunker  Hill  was  John  Callender,  captain 
of  an  artillery  company.  The  trial  went 
against  him,  and  Washington  dismissed  him 
"from  allv  further  service  in  the  continental 
service  as  an  officer."  Callender,  determined 
to  wipe  off  the  stain  on  his  honor,  remained 
as  a  private  in  the  artillery  service,  and  found 
his  opportunity  at  the  battle  of  Long  Island, 
where  the  captain  and  lieutenant  of  his 

1  Trevelyan's  "Revolution,"  Part  I,  378,  footnote. 


308  The  Siege  of  Boston 

battery  were  shot.  "He  assumed  the  com 
mand,  and,  refusing  to  retreat,  fought  his 
pieces  to  the  last.  The  bayonets  of  the 
soldiers  were  just  upon  him,  when  a  British 
officer,  admiring  his  chivalrous  and  desperate 
courage,  interfered  and  saved  him."  1  Wash 
ington  ordered  the  record  of  Calender's  sen 
tence  to  be  expunged  from  the  orderly  book, 
effected  his  exchange,  and  restored  him  his 
commission. 

Yet  in  too  many  of  the  cases  the  sen 
tence  of  incompetence  or  cowardice  was  just. 
Even  when  simple  laxity  of  discipline  was  at 
the  bottom  of  trouble,  the  effect  was  exas 
perating.  Washington  had  much  to  teach 
the  minor  members  of  his  army.  That  it 
was  in  all  outward  aspects  a  truly  volunteer 
assemblage,  we  have  the  testimony  of  an 
eye  witness.  "It  is  very  diverting,"  wrote  the 
Reverend  William  Emerson,  "to  walk  among 
the  camps.  They  are  as  different  in  their 

1  See  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  and  Appendix  III  of 
Vol.  3  of  the  "Writings  of  Washington."  Both  of  these 
books  quote  Swett's  "History  of  Bunker  Hill  Battle." 


Washington  takes  Command         309 

form  as  the  owners  are  in  their  dress ;  and 
every  tent  is  a  portraiture  of  the  temper  and 
taste  of  the  persons  who  encamp  in  it.  Some 
are  made  of  boards,  and  some  of  sailcloth. 
Some  partly  of  one  and  partly  of  another. 
Again  others  are  made  of  stone  and  turf, 
brick  or  brush.  Some  are  thrown  up  in  a 
hurry,  others  curiously  wrought  with  doors 
and  windows,  done  in  wreaths  and  withes  in 
the  manner  of  a  basket.  Some  are  your 
proper  tents  and  marquees,  looking  like  the 
regular  camp  of  the  enemy.  .  .  .  However, 
I  think  this  great  variety  is  rather  a  beauty 
than  a  blemish  in  the  army."  1 

When  we  consider,  however,  that  the  men 
were  dressed  as  variously  as  they  were  housed, 
and  armed  as  from  a  museum  of  historical 
curiosities,  we  can  easily  see  that  the  com 
mander  would  not  agree  with  the  clergyman 
that  such  variety  was  to  be  admired.  We 
find  him  advocating  the  purchase  of  uniforms. 
If  nothing  better  can  be  had,  he  will  be  con 
tent  with  hunting-shirts,  since  a  common 

1  "Writings  of  Washington,"  iii,  491. 


3io  The  Siege  of  Boston 

costume  would  have  a  "happy  tendency  to 
unite  the  men,  and  abolish  those  provincial 
distinctions,  that  lead  to  jealousy  and  dis 
satisfaction."  x  Washington  strove  also,  but  by 
the  end  of  the  siege  was  still  unable,  to  provide 
for  his  men  some  form  of  regulation  firearm. 

He  found,  further,  that  the  number  of  the 
troops  had  been  overestimated.  After  wait 
ing  eight  days  for  returns  which  he  expected 
in  an  hour  after  his  requisition,  he  found 
that,  instead  of  the  twenty  thousand  troops 
he  had  been  led  to  hope  for,  he  had  but  six 
teen  thousand  effective  men.  With  these 
he  had  to  maintain  a  front  of  eight  miles, 
against  an  enemy  who  could  at  will  strike 
at  any  point. 

In  such  a  situation  the  only  safeguard 
was  fortification.  Before  Washington's  ar 
rival  the  redoubts  on  Prospect  and  Winter 
Hills  had  been  completed,  with  scattered 
minor  works.  Washington  at  once  began 
by  strengthening  these,  and  by  finishing  all 
uncompleted  works.  Then,  in  a  manner  char- 

1  "Writings  of  Washington,"  iii,  22. 


Washington  takes  Command         311 

acteristic  of  the  whole  siege,  and  which  never 
failed  to  take  the  British  by  surprise,  one 
August  evening  he  sent  a  party  to  Plowed  Hill, 
"  within  point  blank  shot  of  the  enemy  on 
Charlestown  Neck.  We  worked  the  whole 
night  incessantly  one  thousand  two  hun 
dred  men,  and,  before  morning,  got  an  in- 
trenchment  in  such  forwardness,  as  to  bid 
defiance  to  their  cannon."  l 

The  British  cannonaded  for  two  days,  but 
the  Americans,  finding  to  their  disappoint 
ment  that  no  assault  wras  intended,  finished 
the  work  at  their  ease.  Similarly,  as  we 
shall  see,  Washington  later  took  Lechmere's 
Point,  commanding  the  river  and  the  Back 
Bay.  Before  many  weeks  the  works  at 
Roxbury  were  made  "amazing  strong,"  and 
the  rebels  were  in  position  to  welcome  an 
encounter.  But  there  was  no  assault,  and 
Washington  had  instead  to  meet  the  vexa 
tions  of  his  office. 

These  were  often  trivial  enough.  A  com 
pany  would  protest  against  the  appointment 

1  Ibid.,  iii,  71. 


312  The  Siege  of  Boston 

of  an  officer  unknown  to  them,  a  town  would 
apply  for  special  guard,  a  prisoner  would 
demand  the  privilege  of  wearing  his  sword.1 
Washington  met  such  requests  with  un 
varying  courtesy,  but  with  firmness  ;  even  to 
the  governor  of  Connecticut  he  refused  troops 
for  sea-coast  protection. 

One  little  correspondence  throws  a  gleam 
of  unconscious  humor  on  the  dull  routine 
of  Washington's  correspondence.  Hearing  of 
hardships  suffered  in  Boston  by  prisoners 
taken  at  Bunker  Hill,  Washington  wrote  to 
remonstrate.  Gage  returned  answer  two  days 
later ;  its  original  is  found  in  Burgoyne's 
letter  book,  "as  wrote  by  me."  It  begins 
in  the  usual  style  of  the  literary  general : 
"Sir,  To  the  glory  of  civilized  nations,  hu 
manity  and  war  have  been  made  almost 
compatible,  and  compassion  to  the  subdued 
is  become  almost  a  general  system.  Britons, 
ever  pre-eminent  in  mercy,  have  outgone 

1  Washington's  correspondence  with  Major  Christo 
pher  French  is  an  interesting  instance  of  the  patience  of 
a  great  man  with  the  impatience  of  a  small  one. 


Washington  takes  Command         313 

common  examples,  and  overlooked  the  crimi 
nal  in  the  captive."  Entering  a  general 
denial  of  Washington's  charges,  the  letter 
goes  on  to  bring  counter-accusations,  and 
finally,  after  giving  valuable  advice,  the 
writers  exhort  Washington  —  of  all  men  ! 
-to  "give  free  operation  to  truth." 
Truly,  as  Burgoyne's  biographer  admits, 
there  is  something  irresistibly  ludicrous  in 
the  spectacle  of  such  generals  lecturing  such 
a  man.  The  sequel  was  honorable  to  the 
American  chief.  At  first  determined  to  re 
taliate  upon  some  prisoners  in  his  hands, 
he  changed  his  mind,  apparently  because 
they,  having  been  captured  off  Machias  as 
their  vessel  neared  land,  had  "committed 
no  hostility  against  the  people  of  this 
country."  l  The  general  therefore  gave  them 

1  The  letters  that  passed  between  Washington  and 
Gage,  and  later  between  him  and  Howe,  are  to  be  found 
in  the  volumes  of  his  "Writings,"  and  make  interesting 
reading.  Washington  had  at  this  time  no  prisoners  in 
his  hands  other  than  those  taken  as  described,  because 
the  prisoners  of  the  I9th  of  April  had  been  exchanged  on 
the  6th  of  June. 


314  The  Siege  of  Boston 

the  practical  freedom  of  the  town  of  Northamp 
ton. 

One  other  correspondence  caused  about 
this  time  a  flutter  of  excitement.  Charles 
Lee  was  one  of  Washington's  four  major- 
generals,  a  man  who  had  seen  military  service 
in  many  parts  of  Europe  and  America.  He 
had  served  in  the  British  army  from  1747 
until  1763,  when,  his  regiment  being  dis 
banded,  he  served  in  Poland  and  Turkey, 
and  finally,  in  1772,  came  to  America.  Here 
he  took  up,  almost  violently,  the  cause  of 
freedom,  perhaps  because  of  disappointment 
in  the  English  service,  perhaps  because  he 
foresaw  opportunity.  At  any  rate,  he  made 
himself  conspicuous,  and  was  generally  re 
garded  as  the  foremost  military  man  in 
America,  Washington  alone  excepted.  Events 
proved  that  Lee  acknowledged  no  superior, 
and  impatiently  desired  to  be  rid  of  his 
chief.  Washington  was  always  on  formal 
terms  with  his  subordinate,  no  doubt  because 
he  read  in  his  character,  besides  a  certain 
ability,  an  unstable  temperament  and  a 


Washington  takes  Command         315 

hasty  judgment.  When  once  Lee  was  at 
Cambridge  he  immediately  rushed  into  a 
correspondence  with  Burgoyne,  under  whom  he 
had  served  in  Portugal  thirteen  years  before. 
The  tone  of  his  letter  was  highly  literary. 
Lee  reminded  Burgoyne  of  their  old  friend 
ship,  and  then,  with  many  flourishes,  went 
at  his  business.  He  lamented  the  infatuation 
of  the  times,  when  men  of  the  stamp  of  Bur 
goyne  and  Howe  could  be  seduced  into  an 
impious  and  nefarious  service,  and  remind 
ing  Burgoyne  of  various  bygone  incidents, 
called  to  his  mind  his  experience  with  the 
wickedness  and  treachery  of  the  present 
court  and  cabinet.  He  spread  himself  at 
large  on  the  principles  of  the  present  struggle, 
rejoiced  that  Burgoyne  came  by  command 
of  the  king  rather  than  his  own  desire,  and 
warned  him  of  the  miscreants  who  had  in 
fatuated  Gage.  Then,  explaining  how  his 
three  years  in  America  had  acquainted  him 
with  facts,  Lee  begged  Burgoyne  to  com 
municate  the  substance  of  the  letter  to  Howe, 
who  to  his  horror  seemed  to  be  becoming  the 


316  The  Siege  of  Boston 

satrap  of  an  Eastern  despot.  Protesting  his 
devotion  to  America  as  the  last  asylum  of 
liberty,  Lee  signed  himself  with  the  greatest 
sincerity  and  affection. 

The  letter  was  written  before  Bunker  Hill, 
but  not  answered  until  the  8th  of  July.  In 
his  reply,  Burgoyne  hinted,  with  references 
to  Locke,  Charles  the  First,  and  James  the 
Second,  that  he  was  equally  well  grounded 
in  the  principles  of  liberty.  He  urged  Lee  to 
lay  his  hand  upon  his  heart,  and  say  whether 
the  Americans  wanted  freedom  from  taxation 
or  independency.  He,  Burgoyne,  with  the 
army  and  fleet,  and  the  king  himself,  was 
actuated  only  by  the  desire  to  maintain  the 
laws.  Then,  having  letters  from  England 
which  were  to  be  delivered  into  Lee's  own 
hands,  Burgoyne  proposed  a  personal  inter 
view  at  the  lines  on  Boston  Neck,  and  sent 
the  compliments  of  Howe,  Clinton,  and  Percy. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  Burgoyne's  pur 
pose  in  this  proposal  was  quite  other  than 
to  deliver  letters,  or  even  to  argue  upon 
political  differences.  In  a  letter  to  Lord 


Washington  takes  Command         317 

North  Burgoyne  explained  his  real  purpose 
in  entering  into  correspondence  with  a  rebel. 
In  the  proposed  interview  he  would  have  cut 
Lee  short  in  his  paltry  jargon,  and  pressed 
upon  him  the  real  facts  in  the  case.  Next 
he  would  have  shown  him  the  glory  accruing 
to  a  successful  mediator,  and  then,  playing 
upon  his  pride,  his  interest,  and  his  am 
bition,  would  have  suggested  a  return  to 
his  allegiance.  Burgoyne  supposed  that  the 
reference  to  a  mediator  would  have  brought 
to  Lee  the  memory  of  General  Monk,  and 
would  have  flattered  him  with  the  same  in 
tention  to  restore  the  state. 

There  is  upon  this  plan  of  Burgoyne's  but 
one  comment  to  be  made,  and  that  has  been 
clearly  stated  by  his  own  biographer.  "If  an 
American  General  could  have  been  found  base 
enough  to  purchase  his  restoration  to  the  favour 
of  his  late  Sovereign  by  gross  treachery  to  his 
adopted  country,  an  English  General  should 
surely  not  have  thought  it  worthy  of  his  charac 
ter  and  position  to  bribe  him  to  such  an  act."  1 

1  Fonblanque's  "  Burgoyne." 


318  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Lee  was  not  caught  in  the  trap,  though 
perhaps  not  owing  to  his  own  caution.  Bur- 
goyne's  letter  was  laid  before  the  Provincial 
Congress,  which  forbade  the  meeting.  In 
a  brief  letter  Lee  explained  that  it  was  feared 
that  the  interview  might  create  jealousies  and 
suspicions.  Burgoyne  caught  at  this  state 
ment  as  showing,  in  the  American  staff, 
dissensions  fruitful  of  future  results ;  but  the 
hope  was  never  justified.  Lee's  future  share 
in  the  siege  faded  into  insignificance,  and 
his  damage  to  the  American  cause  was  not 
to  come  until  later. 

Washington  may  have  supervised  the  cor 
respondence  and  influenced  its  result.  It 
affected  him  not  at  all,  but  in  the  midst  of 
many  such  little  affairs  he  found  opportunity 
for  really  aggressive  work.  Once  he  was  well 
fortified,  the  next  step  was  to  vex  and  disturb 
the  enemy  by  cutting  off  supplies  by  sea, 
and  making  the  approach  to  Boston  difficult. 
For  the  latter  purpose  a  detachment  went 
boldly  in  broad  daylight  and  burned  the 
lighthouse  at  the  harbor's  mouth.  Since 


Washington  takes  Command         319 

the  first  attempt  was  not  satisfactory,  the 
same  men  went  again,  and  finished  the  job. 
Other  little  expeditions,  carried  on  against 
either  the  harbor  islands  or  the  shipping 
near  the  town,  were  successfully  undertaken. 
The  men  for  such  purposes  were  the  fisher 
men  of  the  sea-coast  towns,  thrown  out  of 
work  by  the  fisheries  bill,  and  burning  with 
patriotic  feeling. 

Washington  turned  them  to  still  better 
account  in  beginning  a  navy.  To  be  sure, 
the  little  fleet  which  presently  was  busily 
at  work  was  at  first  a  spontaneous  growth, 
for  whenever  a  store-ship  or  king's  sloop  ran 
aground  or  made  land  at  the  wrong  harbor, 
dories  and  fishing- vessels  swarmed  out  to  board 
it.  Even  before  Washington's  coming  pri 
vateers  were  acting  for  the  country,  but  with 
no  better  standing  than  pirates,  for  they 
sailed  under  no  flag  and  bore  neither  com 
mission  nor  letters  of  marque.  The  prov 
inces  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  legal 
ized  the  achievements  of  those  who  were  busy 
in  their  waters,  but  for  the  adventurous  spirits 


320  The  Siege  of  Boston 

who  dared  the  men  of  war  in  Massachusetts 
Bay  nothing  was  done  until  Washington 
found  the  way.  Since,  even  though  the 
need  was  imperative,  he  could  not  properly 
authorize  the  existence  of  a  navy,  we  find  him, 
on  the  second  of  September,  wording  a  com 
mission  in  the  following  manner  :  "You  being 
appointed  a  captain  in  the  army  of  the  United 
Colonies  of  North  America,  are  hereby  di 
rected  to  take  command  of  a  detachment  of 
said  army,  and  proceed  on  board  the  schooner 
Hannah,  at  Beverly."  And  thus  the  Ameri 
can  Navy  began  its  existence.  Its  vessels 
were  few  and  small,  being  chiefly  "converted" 
fishermen ;  its  purpose  was  to  intercept  stores 
and  gain  information ;  and  it  was  especially 
forbidden  to  engage  with  armed  vessels, 
"though  you  may  be  equal  in  strength,  or  may 
have  some  small  advantage."  Before  the 
end  of  the  siege  this  little  company  of  vessels 
was  invaluable  to  Washington. 

But  in  Washington's  army  lay  his  chief 
hopes  —  and  also  his  chief  difficulties.  That 
whenever  there  was  a  chance  for  a  fight  the 


Washington  takes  Command         321 

men  were  very  ardent,  he  was  glad  to  ac 
knowledge.  But  that  when  there  was  noth 
ing  to  relieve  the  monotony  of  the  camp 
they  were  indifferent  to  all  discipline,  he 
knew  only  too  well.  They  were  incorrig 
ible  traders  of  uniforms  and  equipment, 
sticklers  for  seniority  upon  but  a  few  months' 
service,  insistent  for  furloughs  for  return 
to  labor  on  their  own  affairs,  and  trouble 
some  even  in  demanding  pay  by  lunar  instead 
of  calendar  months.  In  order  that  their 
Yankee  ingenuity  might  find  less  time  to  in 
vent  more  trouble  for  him  and  for  themselves, 
Washington  very  sensibly  worked  them  hard 
at  his  fortifying,  "  Sundays  not  excepted." l 

There  wrere,  however,  difficulties  which 
could  be  got  over  neither  by  work,  nor  by 
thought,  nor  by  gradually  licking  an  army 
into  shape.  Powder  and  arms  both  were 
lacking. 

Powder  was  scarcely  to  be  had  anywhere. 
It  was  little  made  in  the  colonies,  especially 
not  in  the  neighborhood  of  Boston.  Again 

1  "Writings  of  Washington,"  iii. 


322  The  Siege  of  Boston 

and  again  we  find  Washington  writing  for  it, 
and  occasionally  reporting  his  exact  situation. 
More  than  once  the  army  had  but  nine  rounds 
to  a  man.  On  the  twenty-fourth  of  August 
Washington  writes  :  "We  have  been  in  a  ter 
rible  situation,  occasioned  by  a  mistake  in  a 
return ;  we  reckoned  upon  three  hundred 
quarter  casks,  and  had  but  thirty-two 
barrels."  1  A  few  days  later  the  situation 
was  better,  but  still  was  bad  enough,  for  he 
writes :  "We  have  only  one  hundred  and 
eighty-four  barrels  of  powder  in  all  (including 
the  late  supply  from  Philadelphia),  which  is 
not  sufficient  to  give  twenty-five  musket 
cartridges  to  each  man,  and  scarcely  to  serve 
the  artillery  in  any  brisk  action  one  single 
day."  He  sent  to  Bermuda  to  seize  a  sup 
ply,  but  his  vessels  arrived  too  late.  Supplies 
did  slowly  dribble  in,  and  sometimes  came 
in  encouraging  quantities  when  a  store-ship 
was  captured  But  there  never  was  plenty 
on  hand,  and  too  often  not  enough,  for  the 
powder  would  deteriorate  in  bad  weather,  as 

1  "  Writings  of  Washington,"  iii. 


Washington  takes  Command         323 

was  shown  at  a  skirmish  at  Lechmere's  Point. 
As  the  troops  formed  for  duty,  cartridge 
boxes  were  examined,  "when  the  melancholy 
truth  appeared."  1  Further,  the  men,  from 
whom  the  lack  of  powder  was  concealed,  were 
fond  of  amusing  themselves  by  indiscriminate 
shooting.  We  find  General  Greene,  in  an 
order  to  his  troops,  threatening  severe  punish 
ment  to  those  who  shot  at  geese  passing  over 
the  camp.  And  so,  with  little  acquisitions  of 
powder,  and  steady  depletion,  Washington 
was  never  for  a  day  properly  supplied. 

His  difficulty  in  finding  muskets,  though 
never  so  great,  was  always  considerable. 
The  gunsmiths  of  Philadelphia,  who  had  been 
expected  speedily  to  equip  his  army,  were  not 
able  to  supply  a  satisfactory  portion  of  the 
arms  required,  so  that  Washington  was  re 
duced  to  sending  agents  through  the  neigh 
boring  towns  to  buy  guns.  Their  success  was 
small.  He  tried  also  to  buy  the  muskets  of 
those  men  who,  on  the  expiration  of  their 
term  of  service,  went  home.  Here  again  the 

1  Ibid. 


324  The  Siege  of  Boston 

result  was  poor,  for  the  men,  mindful  of  the 
possibility  of  militia  service,  were  very  un 
willing  to  part  with  their  arms. 

Yet  the  men  had  an  ineradicable  propensity 
to  dicker  among  themselves.  Arms  and  equip 
ment  changed  hands  in  true  Yankee  fashion ; 
even  clothing  was  traded  in,  and  the  camp, 
when  the  men  were  off  duty,  must  at  times 
have  been  as  busy  as  a  market.  Nothing 
better  shows  this  than  the  diary  of  David 
How,  whose  brief  entries  prove  him  to  be  a 
true  New  Englander.  Months  later  than 
Washington's  first  attempts  to  buy  arms 
from  the  men,  we  find  entries  as  follows. 

"13  (January,  1776)  I  Bought  a  gun  & 
Bayonet  &  Cateridge  Box  of  Joseph  Jackson 
and  gave  42/6  Lawfull  Money  for  the  Whole. 
I  have  been  Makeing  Cateridges  this  Day.  .  .  . 

"20  I  Bought  a  frock  &  Trouses  of  Parley 
Macingtyre  and  give  6  /  Law. 

"22  Peter  Gage  Staid  Hear  Last  Night  and 
I  bought  3  Pare  of  Shoes  of  him  @  5  /  6  per 
pare 

"23  I  sold  a  pare  of  Shoes  for  6/8. 


Washington  takes  Command         325 

"26  I  Sold  my  Cateridge  box  For  4/6  Law- 
full  Money. 

"16  March  I  sold  my  gun  to  Timothy 
Jackson  for  Three  pound  Lawfull  Money." 

We  see  in  David  How,  even  when  soldier 
ing,  the  qualities  which  later  made  him  one 
of  the  richest  men  in  Haverhill.  The  diary 
shows,  also,  what  appears  to  be  the  visit  to 
the  camp  of  a  shoe  pedler.  Modern  dis 
ciplinarians  would  scarcely  condone  this,  nor 
would  they  permit  How's  opportunity  of 
making  money  when  cooking  for  his  company. 
For  he  writes  :  - 

"24  day  (January,  1776)  I  Cook  this  day 
&  Bought  3  Barrels  of  Cyder  for  9  /  per  Barrel. 

"25  day  I  Bought  7  Bushels  of  Chesnuts 
&  give  4  pisterens  per  bushel. 

"30  We  have  Sold  Nuts  and  Cyder  Every 
Day  This  Week." 

It  was  in  the  face  of  this  well-nigh  incor 
rigible  tendency  to  make  money  out  of  the 
situation  that  Washington  struggled  to  turn 
his  militiamen  into  soldiers.  We  gather  from 
his  orderly  books  that  he  had  difficulties  with 


326  The  Siege  of  Boston 

disorders  of  many  kinds,  not  the  least  of 
which  were  caused  by  the  visits  of  "pretended 
suttlers"1  who  sold  bad  rum.  To  check 
drunkenness  he  licensed  the  sutlers  and 
limited  their  activities,  and  for  general  dis 
cipline  he  worked  steadily  to  show  officers 
and  men  alike  what  was  expected  of  them. 
And  all  the  time  he  diligently  tried  to  pur 
chase  weapons,  though  with  so  little  success 
that  at  last  he  even  took  up  the  question  of 
implements  more  primitive  than  muskets. 
There  was  in  camp  a  company  of  Stockbridge 
Indians,  who  were  so  successful  as  to  way 
lay  a  British  sentry  or  two  and  kill  them  with 
arrows.  Franklin,  perhaps  taking  the  hint 
from  this,  wrote  to  prove  that  the  long-bow 
might  be  revived,  but  Washington  would 
have  none  of  it.  Pikes,  however,  whose  use 
in  European  warfare  was  fairly  recent,  he 
would  consider.  A  number  were  ordered, 
and  after  them  a  second  set  of  stronger  make, 
the  first  being  "ridiculously  short  and  light."  2 
In  October  came  to  light  the  treason  of 

1  Henshaw's  "  Orderly  Book."  2  Ibid. 


Washington  takes  Command         327 

Dr.  Benjamin  Church.  As  already  shown, 
he  had  for  some  time  before  the  iQth  of  April 
been  in  communication  with  Gage.  On  the 
22d,  when  he  went  into  Boston  with  the 
knowledge  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  he 
doubtless  saw  the  general  in  person.  An 
occurrence  now  showed  that  he  was  writing 
to  the  British  commander,  though  his  agency 
was  not  at  first  suspected.  From  Newport 
came  a  letter,  brought  by  an  American 
patriot  to  whom  it  had  been  given  by  a 
woman  from  Cambridge,  who  had  requested 
to  have  it  delivered  to  some  officer  of  the 
British  vessel  stationed  in  the  harbor.  The 
American  kept  the  letter,  and,  suspecting  its 
purport,  opened  it.  It  was  in  cipher.  This 
in  itself  was  suspicious,  and  the  letter  was 
brought  to  Washington,  who  caused  the 
woman  to  be  arrested  and  questioned.  At 
first  she  was  obstinate,  but  finally  she  named 
Church  as  the  writer  of  the  letter.  He  in  his 
turn  was  put  under  guard,  but  had  had  time 
to  destroy  any  papers  that  might  betray 
him.  The  letter  when  deciphered  proved  to 


328  The  Siege  of  Boston 

give  little  information  besides  the  numbers 
of  the  American  forces.  From  first  to  last 
Church  had  been  of  little  value  to  Gage. 

But  the  army  and  country,  as  Washington 
wrote,  were  "exceedingly  irritated."  Church 
was  a  man  of  pleasing  address  and  ready 
language,  and  had  stood  high  in  Boston  for 
years.  He  had  written  Whig  pamphlets,  had 
been  an  orator  on  the  Massacre,  and  had 
served  on  many  committees,  notably  the 
Committee  of  Safety.  In  consequence  he 
had  been  given  the  highest  office  that  a  phy 
sician  could  look  for,  that  of  surgeon-general 
to  the  army.  Resentment  at  his  betrayal 
was  extreme,  and  Abigail  Adams  was  prob 
ably  right  when  she  wrote,  "If  he  is  set  at 
liberty,  even  after  he  has  received  a  severe 
punishment,  I  do  not  think  he  will  be  safe." 

Church  was  not  set  free.  As  a  member  of 
the  Massachusetts  Congress  he  was  brought 
before  the  House,  and  allowed  to  make  his 
defence,  which  was  elaborate  and  able. 
Church  claimed  that  he  was  writing  to  his 
brother,  and  that  his  intentions  were  harm- 


Washington  takes  Command         329 

less  ;  but  he  was  not  believed,  and  was  ex 
pelled  from  the  House.  Later  the  Continen 
tal  Congress  adjudged  him  guilty,  and  ordered 
him  confined  in  jail.  Released  later  on  ac 
count  of  his  health,  he  was  allowed  to  sail 
for  the  West  Indies.  His  vessel  was  never 
again  heard  from. 

This  was  Washington's  foretaste  of  the 
treason  of  Arnold.  It  may  have  disturbed 
him  deeply,  but  of  that  he  gave  no  sign.  So 
far  as  we  can  see,  he  dismissed  the  matter 
from  his  mind  and  went  on  with  his  work  of 
providing  a  way  for  assaulting  the  town. 
Congress  desired  this,  the  country  looked  for 
it,  and  his  own  fiery  nature  urged  him  to  the 
risk. 

On  the  nth  of  September,  having  pre 
viously  notified  his  generals  that  he  would 
lay  the  question  before  them,  he  had  called  a 
council  of  war,  and  proposed  an  attack  upon 
Boston.  They  were  unanimously  against  it. 
Now,  in  October,  he  again  laid  the  matter 
before  his  council  of  war,  and  reached  prac 
tically  the  same  result,  General  Greene  alone 


330  The  Siege  of  Boston 

thinking  the  scheme  practical,  "if  ten  thou 
sand  men  could  be  landed  at  Boston."  1  If  it 
is  true  that  councils  of  war  do  not  fight,  the 
result  was  natural;  but  the  situation  was  a 
very  difficult  one.  The  British  had  made 
Charlestown  practically  impregnable  against 
anything  except  surprise,  by  a  powerful  re 
doubt  on  Bunker  Hill.  As  for  Boston  itself, 
it  was  fortified  at  all  prominent  points,  and 
was  very  strongly  garrisoned  by  veteran 
troops.  The  Neck  could  not  be  forced,  and 
to  cross  in  boats  over  the  Back  Bay  was 
a  hazardous  undertaking.  It  was  common 
sense,  therefore,  to  wait  until  ice  should  make 
it  possible  to  assault  the  town  at  several 
points.  With  his  wonderful  patience  Wash 
ington  accepted  the  situation,  and  contented 
himself  with  wishing  that  the  British  would 
attack  him.  There  were  continual  rumors 
that  the  British  plan  was  laid,  and  deserters 
frequently  came  from  Boston  prophesying  a 
sally;  but  still  the  regulars  lay  in  their  fast 
ness,  and  did  not  move. 

irrrevelyan's  "Revolution,"  Part  I. 


CHAPTER  XII 

EVENTS  IN  BOSTON  FROM  JUNE  TO  DECEMBER, 

1775 

THE  history  of  events  in  Boston  after 
the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  is  of  a  quite 
different  tenor  from  that  which  we  have 
just  been  considering.  From  the  time  when 
the  wounded,  and  the  more  distinguished  of 
the  dead,  were  carried  over  from  Charlestown 
on  the  evening  of  the  seventeenth  of  June,  the 
sober  truth  struck  home,  not  yet  to  the 
Tories  and  the  common  run  of  officers,  but 
to  the  generals.  They  were  in  a  tight  place, 
from  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  escape  with 
credit. 

They  might  —  and  some  of  them  did  — 
reckon  it  out  by  common  arithmetic.  If  it 
cost  a  thousand  men  to  take  a  hill,  and  re 
quired  another  thousand  to  garrison  it  when 
taken,  how  much  could  the  British  army 

331 


332  The  Siege  of  Boston 

master  of  the  rolling  country  that  lay  before 
its  eyes  ?  Beyond  the  exit  from  either  pen 
insula  the  next  hill  was  already  fortified,  and 
the  Americans  prepared  to  "sell  it  at  the 
same  price."  1 

The  British  generals  wrote  very  plainly  in 
explaining  the  situation  to  their  superiors  at 
home.  To  be  sure,  Gage  was  a  trifle  disin 
genuous  in  reviewing  the  past.  While  ad 
mitting  that  the  recent  trials  at  arms  proved 
the  rebels  "not  the  despicable  rabble  too 
many  have  supposed  them  to  be,"  he  ignored 
his  original  boast  concerning  lions  and 
lambs.  In  stating  that  in  all  previous  wars 
the  Americans  had  never  showed  so  much 
"conduct,  attention,  and  perseverance,"  he 
admitted  his  ignorance  of  colonial  history. 
But  Gage  was  endeavoring  to  salve  his  smart 
and  conceal  his  own  shame. 

Burgoyne,  with  nothing  to  palliate,  wrote 
very  frankly.  "Look,  my  Lord,"  he  said  to 
the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies, 

1  This  expression  is  ascribed  to  General  Nathanael 
Greene. 


June  to  December  in  Boston         333 

"upon  the  country  near  Boston.  It  is  all 
fortification."  His  mathematics  has  been  al 
ready  quoted ;  he  adds  that  the  army  had 
nothing  for  transport  in  an  active  campaign  of 
any  duration.  Proceeding,  he  delicately  points 
out  that  Gage  was  not  the  man  for  the  situation, 
and  laments  again  that  the  general  had  no 
means  of  knowing  what  passed  in  the  American 
councils,  or  even  within  the  American  lines. 
This  is  but  another  proof,  if  one  were  needed, 
of  the  poor  use  to  which  Church  had  put  his 
opportunities.  Surely  he,  as  Arnold  later, 
sold  his  soul  to  little  purpose.  Few  things  in 
this  campaign  are  more  honorable  to  America 
than  the  fact  that  Washington's  most  pre 
cious  secret,  his  lack  of  powder,  though 
known  to  many,  never  came  to  the  ears  of 
the  British  generals.  One  may  question  if 
the  truth,  if  told,  would  have  been  believed, 
for  men  of  Gage  and  Howe's  training  could 
scarcely  suppose  a  man  capable  of  such  dar 
ing  and  dogged  obstinacy  as  to  hold  his  post 
before  them  without  powder,  or  guns,  or,  as 
it  finally  turned  out,  almost  without  men. 


334  The  Siege  of  Boston 

But  no  statement  has  been  made  that  the 
commanders  heard  even  rumors  of  Washing 
ton's  difficulties. 

After  Bunker  Hill,  then,  the  British  gen 
erals  plainly  saw  that  they  could  never  cam 
paign  successfully  with  Boston  as  a  base. 
As  to  what  should  best  be  done,  Gage  had  no 
idea ;  Burgoyne,  however,  was  ready  with  a 
plan.  He  proposed  to  keep  in  Boston  as 
small  a  garrison,  supported  by  as  small  a 
fleet,  as  could  safely  be  left,  and  to  send  the 
rest  of  the  troops  and  ships  to  harry  the 
coast.  This  proposition,  if  by  the  vague 
term  of  chastisement  he  meant  the  burning  of 
defenceless  towns,  was  unworthy  of  Burgoyne ; 
but  when  later  he  proposed  with  this  de 
tached  force  to  occupy  Rhode  Island,  doubt 
less  using  Newport  as  a  base,  he  outlined  a 
plan  which,  if  followed,  would  have  seriously 
embarrassed  the  Americans.  But  the  advice 
was  not  taken,  and  for  months  the  British 
generals  contented  themselves  with  wishing 
they  were  at  New  York,  without  taking  any 
steps  toward  going  there. 


June  to  December  in  Boston         335 

One  thing  at  least  they  should  have  done. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  the  American 
occupancy  of  Bunker  Hill  had  been  pre 
cipitated  by  knowledge  of  a  British  plan  to 
take  Dorchester  Heights.  This  plan  of  Gage's 
was  not  abandoned  after  the  battle.  It  is 
spoken  of  in  a  letter  of  Burgoyne's,  and  is 
laid  down  as  a  part  of  his  scheme  to  make 
Boston  secure  while  his  marauding  fleet 
menaced  southern  New  England.  We  are 
even  able  to  suppose  that  feeble  moves  toward 
seizing  the  Heights  were  twice  made.  Once 
a  couple  of  regiments,  on  transports,  dropped 
down  the  channel ;  and  once  two  regiments 
were  withdrawn  from  Charles  town  to  Boston, 
with  various  companies  from  the  castle. 
Lieutenant  Barker  gives  the  reason  why  in 
the  latter  case  nothing  was  done:  "the 
Genl.  hearing  that  they  had  got  intelligence 
and  reinforced  that  place  with  4000  men." 
But  this  is  mere  rumor ;  the  Americans  had 
not  yet  sent  any  troops  into  Dorchester. 
This  leaves  us  very  much  in  the  dark  as  to 
why  the  Heights  were  not  occupied ;  but 


336  The  Siege  of  Boston 

occupied  they  were  not;  the  plan  receives  no 
further  mention,  and  though  from  month  to 
month  the  British  watched  Washington  seiz 
ing  posts  ever  nearer  to  Boston,  they  behaved 
in  all  respects  as  if  he  were  under  pledge  to 
avoid  Dorchester. 

Gage's  chief  activity  was  in  fortifying.  He 
strengthened  his  existing  works,  and  en 
trenched  himself  particularly  well  at  Bunker 
Hill.  As  the  American  redoubt  was  of  little 
value  to  the  British,  they  made  their  main 
defence  upon  the  top  of  the  higher  hill,  and 
mounted  guns  to  sweep  Charlestown  Neck 
and  the  country  beyond.  Little  by  little 
both  Gage  and  his  successor  strengthened  this 
post,  cutting  down  trees  for  abatis,  and 
making  advanced  posts  similar  to  those  at 
Boston  Neck.  Before  the  end  of  the  siege 
it  was  the  strongest  British  post,  and  Wash 
ington  knew  better  than  to  molest  it,  es 
pecially  when  he  had  a  better  move  to  make. 

Actual  military  operations  were  trifling. 
In  retaliation  for  an  American  attack,  on  the 
3Oth  of  July  the  regulars  made  a  sally  from 


June  to  December  in  Boston         337 

Boston  toward  Roxbury,  drove  in  the  Ameri 
can  advance  guard,  and  burnt  a  house  or 
two.  The  undertaking  appears  to  have  been 
without  object,  and  resulted  in  nothing  except 
some  harmless  cannonading.  At  other  times 
armed  boats  ventured  along  the  Cambridge 
shore,  or  tried  the  rivers,  always  to  be  sent 
back  by  the  bullets  of  Yankee  sharpshooters. 
When  the  Virginia  riflemen  appeared,  however, 
there  was  less  of  this  diversion.  These  men, 
finding  themselves  debarred  from  the  larger 
field  operations,  resolved  at  least  to  get 
something  in  return  for  their  long  march. 
So  they  set  themselves  to  watch  for  the 
appearance  of  British  exploring  parties,  and 
even  stalked  the  sentries.  The  officers  in 
dignantly  complained  that  this  was  not  war 
according  to  rule,  but  both  they  and  their 
sentries  took  care  not  to  expose  themselves. 
The  largest  operation  undertaken  by  the 
British  was  at  the  approach  of  winter,  when 
early  in  November  they  sent  a  small  force 
to  Lechmere's  Point,  at  a  time  when  a  very 
high  tide  had  converted  the  place  into  an 


338  The  Siege  of  Boston 

island.  They  took  a  few  cows,  and  lost  a 
couple  of  men ;  on  retiring  they  pointed  to 
the  American  unwillingness  to  attack  them, 
but  this,  as  we  have  already  learned,  was  on 
account  of  the  spoiled  cartridges. 

All  these  operations,  it  will  be  seen,  took 
place  practically  within  the  limits  of  the 
Back  Bay  and  its  adjacent  waters,  into 
which  flowed  the  Charles  River  and  a  few 
creeks.  Once  or  twice  British  boats  tried  to 
explore  the  Mystic,  but  with  the  coming  of 
the  riflemen  that  diversion  stopped.  When 
finally  the  Yankees  dragged  whale-boats  to 
the  Mystic  and  Charles,  and  began  building 
floating  batteries  on  their  own  account,  British 
curiosity  as  to  the  American  shore-line  lapsed 
entirely. 

Down  the  harbor  Gage  did  nothing,  except 
to  send,  tardily,  to  repel  American  expedi 
tions.  We  have  seen  that  the  British  could 
not  save  the  lighthouse.  The  Yankee  fisher 
men  now  took  occasion  to  remove  from  the 
islands  the  hay  and  live  stock  which  they 
had  not  taken  before  Bunker  Hill.  Their 


June  to  December  in  Boston         339 

activities  drew  from  Burgoyne  an  indignant 
letter. 

"It  may  be  asked  in  England,  'What  is 
the  Admiral  doing  ? ' 

"I  wish  I  were  able  to  answer  that  ques 
tion  satisfactorily,  but  I  can  only  say  what 
he  is  not  doing. 

"That  he  is  not  supplying  us  with  sheep 
and  oxen,  the  dinners  of  the  best  of  us  bear 
meagre  testimony ;  the  state  of  our  hospitals 
bears  a  more  melancholy  one. 

"He  is  not  defending  his  own  flocks  and 
herds,  for  the  enemy  have  repeatedly  plun 
dered  his  own  islands. 

"He  is  not  defending  the  other  islands  in 
the  harbour,  for  the  enemy  in  force  landed 
from  a  great  number  of  boats,  and  burned 
the  lighthouse  at  noonday  (having  first  killed 
or  taken  the  party  of  marines  which  was 
posted  there)  almost  under  the  guns  of  two 
or  three  men-of-war. 

"He  is  not  employing  his  ships  to  keep 
up  communication  and  intelligence  with  the 
King's  servants  and  friends  at  different  parts 


340  The  Siege  of  Boston 

of  the  continent,  for  I  do  not  believe  that 
General  Gage  has  received  a  letter  from 
any  correspondent  out  of  Boston  these  six 
weeks. 

"He  is  intent  upon  greater  objects,  you 
will  think,  —  supporting  in  the  great  points 
the  dignity  of  the  British  flag,  —  and  where 
a  number  of  boats  have  been  built  for  the 
enemy ;  privateers  fitted  out ;  prizes  carried 
in  ;  the  King's  armed  vessels  sunk  ;  the  crews 
made  prisoners ;  the  officers  killed,  —  he  is 
doubtless  enforcing  instant  restitution  and 
reparation  by  the  voice  of  his  cannon  and 
laying  the  towns  in  ashes  that  refuse  his 
terms  ?  Alas  !  he  is  not."  1 

Burgoyne  finishes  his  indictment  by  lump 
ing  with  the  admiral's  inefficiencies  the 
weaknesses  of  quartermaster-generals,  adju 
tant-generals,  secretaries,  and  commissaries. 
In  all  this  we  catch  a  glimpse  of  one 
result  of  the  king's  policy,  which  was  to 
reward  his  friends  and  rebuke  his  enemies. 
Since  he  classed  with  his  enemies  the  Whigs 

1  Fonblanque's  "Burgoyne,"  197-198. 


June  to  December  in  Boston         341 

who  were  at  home,  he  had  only  Tories  to 
draw  from.  From  them  came  Admiral  Graves, 
and  the  crowd  of  incompetents  who  rilled 
offices  in  America.  The  royal  service  was 
now  paying  the  piper. 

One  result  Burgoyne  has  noted  very 
plainly,  in  the  lack  of  fresh  provision.  The 
admiral  could  have  protected  the  stock  on 
the  harbor  islands,  and  without  unnecessary 
violence  could  have  seized  provisions  from 
the  shore  towns.  This,  however,  he  did  not 
do,  and  we  soon  find  the  army  complaining 
of  its  fare.  It  was  not  that  the  commissary 
was  negligent ;  even  the  moneyed  officers 
were  at  times  unable  to  satisfy  their  desire 
for  fresh  meat,  the  supply  of  which  was  un 
certain.  For  lack  of  hay,  the  milk  supply 
soon  disappeared,  since  cows  could  not  be 
fed  and  had  to  be  killed.  Cheerful  news 
came  to  the  American  camp  that  the  vener 
able  town  bull  had  been  sold  for  beef.  The 
army  even  tired  of  its  supply  of  fish,  which, 
to  be  sure,  never  was  great,  though  then  as 
now  Boston  lay  close  to  good  fishing  grounds. 


342  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Salt  pork  was  the  main  reliance,  and  before 
the  middle  of  the  summer  the  army  had  had 
altogether  too  much  of  that. 

In  consequence  of  this  restricted  diet  the 
wounded  from  Bunker  Hill  died  in  great 
numbers.  Of  the  wounded  American  prison 
ers  very  few  survived.  Some,  as  Washington 
heard,  were  operated  on  in  the  common  jail, 
in  which  most  of  them  were  confined,  and 
where  the  chances  of  their  recovery  were 
slight.  They  fared  "very  hard,"  said  John 
Leach,  who  had  opportunity  to  know ;  not 
one  of  them  survived  amputation.  As  to  the 
rest,  there  can  be  no  question  that  they  were 
badly  treated.  Their  doctor  complained  that 
they  had  had  no  bread  for  two  days ;  the 
Provost  replied  "they  might  eat  the  Nail 
Heads,  and  knaw  the  plank  and  be  damn'd."  l 
Their  more  fortunate  fellow-prisoners,  who 
were  not  taken  in  arms  and  who  received  food 
from  their  families  in  Boston,  sent  the  Bun 
ker  Hill  prisoners  what  comforts  they  could 
bribe  the  soldiers  to  take  to  them ;  but,  says 

Reach's  "Journal." 


June  to  December  in  Boston         343 

Leach's  diary,  "they  have  no  Wood  for  days 
together,  to  Warm  their  Drink,  and  dying 
men  drink  them  cold."  By  the  2ist  of  Sep 
tember  eighteen  out  of  twenty-nine  prisoners 
had  died  in  the  jail. 

Yet  even  the  British  wounded  showed  a 
high  mortality.  This  was  largely  on  account 
of  the  food,  which,  although  it  was  the  best 
that  was  to  be  had,  was  none  too  good  for 
suffering  men.  The  high  death  rate  was  in 
part  due  to  the  American  marksmanship, 
which  caused  many  body  wounds.  What 
with  such  wounds,  and  such  food,  and  the 
unaccustomed  heat,  there  were  so  many 
deaths  among  the  wounded  that  it  was  se 
riously  stated  that  the  American  bullets  were 
poisoned. 

There  was,  then,  considerable  discontent 
among  the  British  soldiery.  Of  it  at  one 
time  the  Americans  took  ingenious  advantage. 
When  the  wind  was  setting  toward  the  British 
lines  at  Charlestown,  the  Americans  at  the 
Medford  lines  scattered  handbills  that  were 
driven  to  the  British  sentries.  On  the  bills 


344  The  Siege  of  Boston 

v 

was  to  be  read  a  comparison  intended  to  in 
crease  British  discontent.     It  ran  : — 


PROSPECT    HILL 

I.    Seven    dollars    a  I.  Three    pence   a 

month.  day. 

II.    Fresh    provisions  II.  Rotten   salt   pork, 
and   in   plenty. 

III.  Health.  III.  The   scurvy. 

IV.  Freedom,   ease,  IV.  Slavery,    beggary, 

affluence,    and  and   want. 

a   good   farm. 

These  handbills  thus  coming  into  the  hands 
of  the  privates  were  passed  about  secretly, 
until  the  officers  got  wind  of  the  device,  and 
complained  to  the  Americans.  The  retort 
was  that  the  British  themselves  had  already 
been  tempting  sentries  to  desert.  This  de 
serting  did  go  on  throughout  the  siege,  from 
either  side,  though  it  would  seem  as  if  more 
of  the  British  fled  from  their  service.  Into 
whichever  lines  they  went,  the  deserters 
always  brought  highly  colored  tales  to  buy 
their  welcome.  The  leaders  very  soon  learned 
how  little  reliance  could  be  placed  upon  such 


June  to  December  in  Boston         345 

information.  "We  ought  not  to  catch  at 
such  shadows  as  that.  We  have  nothing 
under  God  to  depend  upon,  but  our  own 
strength."  1 

If  the  British  private  was  discontented, 
that  was  his  habit ;  and  though  the  officers 
grumbled  as  well,  they  had  comparatively 
little  to  complain  of.  To  be  sure,  the  food 
was  coarse,  but  it  was  plentiful.  Even  the 
unaccustomed  heat  would  seem  comfortable 
to  a  Bostonian  of  to-day.  The  marine  officers 
had  more  pleasant  conditions,  with  their  open 
ports  and  harbor  breezes,  and  decks  frequently 
sluiced  with  water.  But  the  town  itself  had 
no  tall  buildings  or  confined  spaces  ;  gener 
ally  speaking,  it  was  open  from  water  to 
water,  with  plentiful  shade.  Boston  in  1775 
must  have  been  as  cool  as  its  own  summer 
resorts  of  the  twentieth  century. 

The  Tories,  at  least,  found  it  bearable. 
They  were  accustomed  to  the  summer  heat, 
and  knew  themselves  much  better  off  than 

1  William  T.  Miller,  of  Newport,  R.I.,  to  his  wife 
Lydia.  Mass.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Register,  1855. 


346  The  Siege  of  Boston 

the  unfortunate  members  of  their  party  who 
had  been  unable  to  escape  to  the  British 
lines.  Many  of  the  country  Tories  were  con 
fined  to  their  estates,  and  forbidden  to  com 
municate  with  each  other.  "I  wish  to  God," 
wrote  Samuel  Paine,  "all  our  friends  were 
here  out  of  the  hands  of  such  Villains."  Com 
pared  with  such  treatment,  serenades  by 
thirteen-inch  mortars  and  twenty-four  pound 
ers  were  apparently  trifling  —  though  the 
ladies  did  not  think  so.  One,  writing  of  the 
skirmish  on  the  night  of  July  30,  spoke  of 
the  "most  dreadful  cannonading,"  and  "the 
apprehensions  that  naturally  seize  every  one, 
either  of  the  enemy  breaking  in,  or  the  town 
being  set  on  fire."  l  Even  Samuel  Paine  saw 
the  serious  side  of  the  situation.  "These,"  he 
asks,  "  are  Governor  Hutchinson's  countrymen 
that  would  not  fight,  are  they  ? " 

It  was  because  he  realized  that  fight  they 
would,  "and  like  the  devil,"  that  he  and 
others  considered  enlisting  in  the  various 
corps  which  were  organized  in  the  town. 

1  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  230. 


June  to  December  in  Boston         347 

According  to  Frothingham,  who  could  find 
no  statistics  of  the  numbers  of  Tory  volun 
teers,  there  were  at  least  three  corps  formed  : 
the  Loyal  American  Associators  under  Tim 
othy  Ruggles,  the  Loyal  Irish  Volunteers 
under  James  Forrest,  and  the  Royal  Fenci- 
ble  Americans  under  Colonel  Graham.1  Ac 
cording  to  Samuel  Paine,  there  was  a  fourth 
corps,  but  it  is  not  named.  A  commis 
sion  in  one  of  these  organizations  was  par 
ticularly  attractive,  as  the  service  was  ex 
pected  to  be  short,  and  at  its  expiration  the 
officers  were  to  go  upon  half  pay.  Further, 
the  duties  were  very  light,  being  confined 
to  drilling  and  patrolling  the  town.  In  the 
military  events  of  the  siege  these  corps  took 
no  part  whatever. 

It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  out 
of  this  situation  England  did  gain  some 
valuable  soldiers.  The  mettle  of  a  few 
of  the  Tories  was  shown  at  Bunker  Hill, 
where  they  went  as  individual  volunteers, 
and  served  with  the  troops.  Others,  dis- 

1  Ibid.,  279. 


348  The  Siege  of  Boston 

daining  the  toy-soldiering  of  their  friends, 
seized  the  chance  to  join  the  regular  army, 
and  fought  in  it  throughout  the  war,  or  until 
their  deaths.  Such  men  were  John  Coffin, 
Leverett  Saltonstall,  and  the  two  Thomas 
Gilberts. 

Yet  men  of  this  quality  were  few,  and  at 
least  at  this  stage  of  the  war  the  Tories  were 
of  little  service  to  their  king.  Most  of  them 
were  content  to  wait  until  the  time  when 
the  regulars  should  scatter  the  besiegers  and 
conduct  the  loyalists  to  their  homes.  Mean 
while  they  enjoyed  the  society  into  which 
they  were  thrown.  "We  have  here,"  wrote 
Samuel  Paine,  "Earls,  Lords,  and  Baronets, 
I  assure  you  Names  that  Sound  grand." 
These  names  did  bring  to  the  Tories  a 
fair  amount  of  social  gayety.  Mrs.  Gage 
was  at  the  head  of  her  own  little  circle,  not 
always  enjoyed  by  those  who  could  not  for 
get  her  American  birth.  There  were  other 
groups  of  ladies  who,  whether  English  or 
Tory,  contrived  to  make  the  time  pass  pleas 
antly  for  themselves  and  for  the  men.  With 


June  to  December  in  Boston         349 

few  responsibilities,  and  with  confidence  in  the 
future,  the  loyalists  had  a  pleasant  enough 
summer,  and  saw  ahead  of  them  a  comfort 
able  winter. 

The  situation  of  the  Whigs  was  not  so  en 
joyable.  Before  Bunker  Hill,  every  one  of 
them  who  could  leave  Boston  had  done  so. 
But  there  were  many  of  them  left,  and  among 
them  were  a  number  of  the  more  respectable 
and  prominent  of  the  Whigs.  None  of  them 
wrote  letters,  and  few  indeed  kept  diaries  ;  there 
is,  therefore,  a  notable  lack  of  information  con 
cerning  their  doings.  We  do  know,  however, 
that  they  were  at  a  great  disadvantage  as 
against  their  Tory  acquaintances.  No  priv 
ileges  of  the  commissary  were  theirs,  and  no 
favors  were  to  be  had  from  the  military 
authorities.  When  there  was  fresh  meat  in 
the  town  the  Whigs  could  get  little  of  it 
without  repudiating  their  political  creed ; 
when  the  supply  was  scant,  the  Whigs  went 
without.  "They  even  denied  us/'  wrote 
John  Andrews,  looking  back  upon  this  period, 
"the  privilege  of  buying  the  surplusage  of 


3  SO  The  Siege  of  Boston 

the  soldiers'  rations."  Even  before  Bunker 
Hill  he  had  written,  "It's  hard  to  stay  cooped 
up  here  and  feed  upon  salt  provisions,  more 
especially  without  one's  wife.  .  .  .  Pork 
and  beans  one  day,  and  beans  and  pork 
another,  and  fish  when  we  can  catch  it." 
Throughout  the  summer  the  situation  was 
little  bettered.  "A  loaf  of  bread  the  size  we 
formerly  gave  three  pence  for,  thought  our 
selves  well  off  to  get  for  a  shilling.  Butter 
at  two  shillings.  Milk,  for  months  without 
tasting  any." 

There  were  certain  Whigs  whose  experiences 
were  more  grim.  To  Gage,  always  in  fear  of 
betrayal  to  the  enemy,  there  came  rumors 
pointing  to  men  whose  known  sentiments, 
or  whose  actions,  subjected  them  to  suspicion. 
Among  these  were  one  Carpenter,  a  barber, 
who  had  swum  to  Cambridge  and  back ; 
one  "Dorrington,  his  son  and  maid,  for  blow 
ing  up  flies" 1 ;  but  particularly  John  Leach 
and  James  Lovell,  schoolmasters,  with  Peter 

1  This  obscure  diversion  caused  the  Dorringtons  to 
be  suspected  of  signalling  at  night  to  the  rebels. 


June  to  December  in  Boston         351 

Edes,  printer,  and  his  father's  partner,  John 
Gill.  All  of  these  four  were  obnoxious  to  the 
Tories,  being  outspoken  Whigs  and  teachers 
of  sedition,  whether  in  their  schools  or  their 
publications.  One  by  one  they  were  im 
prisoned  in  the  common  jail,  and  held  there 
during  various  terms.  Their  treatment  was 
harsh  and  ungenerous,  held  in  close  neighbor 
hood  with  felons  and  loose  livers,  and  not  in 
formed  of  what  they  were  accused.  Leach  and 
Edes  kept  diaries  when  in  prison.  "From 
the  2d  July  to  the  I7th,"  writes  Leach,  "a 
Complicated  scene  of  Oaths,  Curses,  De 
bauchery,  and  the  most  horrid  Blasphemy, 
committed  by  the  Provost  Marshal,  his 
Deputy  and  Soldiers,  who  were  our  guard, 
Soldier  prisoners,  and  sundry  soldier  women, 
confined  for  Thefts,  &c.  .  .  .  When  our 
Wives,  Children,  and  Friends  came  to  see  us, 
(which  was  seldom  they  were  permitted)  we 
seemed  to  want  them  gone,  notwithstanding 
we  were  desirous  of  their  Company,  as  they 
were  exposed  to  hear  the  most  abandon'd 
language,  as  was  grating  to  the  ears  of  all 


The  Siege  of  Boston 

sober  persons."  This  Leach  suspected  to 
be  intentional,  but  the  offensive  actions  and 
words  were  incessant,  especially  on  Sundays. 
On  the  1 7th  Leach's  son  died,  "whom  I 
left  well  in  my  house"  ;  but  he  was  not  allowed 
to  attend  the  funeral,  nor  to  be  tried,  nor 
dismissed.  Three  weeks  after  he  and  Lovell 
had  been  put  in  jail  they  first  learned  of  what 
they  were  accused:  Lovell  of  "being  a  Spy, 
and  giving  intelligence  to  the  rebels,"  and 
Leach  of  "being  a  spy,  and  suspected  of 
taking  plans."  Their  examination  was  a 
farce,  the  witness  against  them  not  knowing 
them  apart.  They  were  remanded  to  jail, 
and  lay  there  until  October.  Lovell  fell  sick, 
and  got  a  little  better  food,  but  no  attention 
from  his  jailers  —  "no  Compassion  toward  him 
any  more  than  a  Dog."  On  the  same  day 
Leach  noted  that  the  Provost  "Cursed  and 
Damned  my  little  Child,  for  a  Damn'd  Rebel ; 
he  even  Trembles  at  bringing  my  Diet." 
Lovell  grew  better,  and  the  vexatious  treat 
ment  continued  with  petty  tyrannies.  At 
last,  although  no  trial  had  yet  been  held,  Edes, 


June  to  December  in  Boston         353 

Gill,  and  Leach  were  released  upon  sureties 
of  two  inhabitants  that  they  would  not  leave 
the  town. 

Lovell  was  kept  in  jail.  He  was  son  of 
Master  John  Lovell  of  the  Latin  School,  in 
which  he  was  usher  until  the  opening  of  the 
war.  His  frank  utterances  had  so  incensed 
the  authorities  that  they  kept  him  in  prison 
until  the  end  of  the  siege,  and  then  carried 
him  with  them  to  Halifax.  His  father  was  a 
Tory,  and,  so  far  as  the  diaries  of  the  prison 
mates  show,  made  no  attempt  to  visit  his  son 
in  prison.  James  Lovell  was  exchanged  in 
the  summer  of  1776. 

Through  Edes'  prison  diary,  and  the  brief 
jottings  which  pass  for  the  journal  of  Timothy 
Newell,  selectman,  we  get  a  glimpse  of  a  turn 
coat.  The  incident  in  which  he  figures  is 
the  only  one  that  caused  Newell,  who  gave 
a  scant  hundred  and  twenty-five  words  to 
Bunker  Hill  battle,  to  write  at  any  length. 
One  John  Morrison,  formerly  minister  at 
Peterborough,  New  Hampshire,  had  been 
" obliged,"  says  Edes,  "to  quit  his  people 

2  A 


354  The  Siege  of  Boston 

on  account  of  his  scandalous  behaviour." 
He  joined  the  provincial  army,  and  is  said 
to  have  fought  at  Bunker  Hill ;  but  a  week 
later  he  joined  the  British  with  the  usual  mis- 
statements  of  the  American  intentions.  In  the 
middle  of  September,  Morrison  moved  for 
permission  to  use  for  his  services  the  Brattle 
Street  Church,  "Dr.  Cooper's  Meetinghouse," 
of  which  Timothy  Newell  was  a  member  of 
the  parish  committee.  Newell,  "with  an 
emotion  of  resentment,"  roundly  refused  to 
deliver  the  key  to  Morrison  and  his  friends, 
and  made  his  way  into  the  presence  of  the 
governor,  where  he  stated  that  Morrison  was 
a  man  of  infamous  character.  But  the  turn 
coat  had  respectable  backers.  Gage  required 
the  key  of  Newell,  and  got  it ;  and  Morrison 
held  at  least  one  service  in  the  church.  It 
was  to  this  service,  on  the  iyth  of  September, 
that  Edes  was  conducted,  doubtless  as  a 
privilege,  and  heard  a  political  sermon  on 
the  ingratitude  of  the  provincials.  Edes  re 
marked  that  the  Tories  present  affected  to 
grin,  but  it  was  horribly,  with  a  ghastly 


June  to  December  in  Boston         355 

smile.  The  newspapers,  however,  called  it  an 
excellent  discourse  to  a  genteel  audience,  and 
announced  regular  services.  Morrison,  still 
contemptuously  styled  the  deserter,  figures 
again  in  NewelPs  diary  in  November,  when 
he  informed  against  an  old  Dutch  woman 
for  trying  to  carry  out  of  town  more  money 
than  her  permit  allowed.  His  profit  on  this 
was  ten  dollars.  When  winter  approached,  the 
Brattle  Street  Church  was  taken  for  use  as  a 
barracks,  and  Morrison  got  himself  a  place 
in  the  commissary  department,  which  per 
haps  was  more  to  his  liking  than  sermonizing.1 
The  interview  with  Newell  gives  us  a 
glimpse  of  Gage  in  almost  the  last  of  his 
troubles  with  the  stiff-necked  Bostonians. 
Less  than  a  fortnight  later2  he  received  word 
from  London  that  the  king  desired  his  pres 
ence,  in  order  to  consult  upon  future  opera 
tions.  Probably  the  unlucky  commander  saw 

1  Leach's  and  Edes'  "Journals,"  N.  E.  Hist  and  Gen. 
Register,  1865;  NewelPs  "Journal,"  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Collections,  i,  series  iv ;  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  239; 
Sabine's  "Loyalists."  2  September  26. 


356  The  Siege  of  Boston 

in  the  message  the  end  of  his  commission, 
but  he  went  as  one  expecting  to  return.  As 
was  customary,  he  was  presented  with  adula 
tory  addresses,  and  on  October  10  departed 
in  state.  His  welcome  in  England  was  not 
so  stately.  The  king  did  give  him  an  inter 
view,  and  listened  attentively  to  his  explana 
tions,  but  it  was  popularly  suggested  that 
the  unsuccessful  general  be  created  Lord  Lex 
ington,  Baron  of  Bunker  Hill.  Gage's  com 
mand  was  not  restored  to  him,  and  he  never 
again  went  on  active  service. 

One  legacy  indeed  he  left,  perhaps  the 
worst  act  of  his  administration  and  the 
most  far-reaching,  although  the  personal 
blame  does  not  lie  with  Gage  himself.  On  the 
4th  of  October  he  sent  out  a  small  fleet  of 
vessels  which  accomplished  more  harm  than 
good.  It  skirmished  with  privateers,  and 
eventually,  reaching  Falmouth,  now  Portland 
in  Maine,  but  then  in  Massachusetts  ter 
ritory,  attempted  to  levy  upon  the  town. 
Captain  Mowatt,  the  commander,  picked  a 
quarrel  with  the  inhabitants,  and  finding 


June  to  December  in  Boston         357 

them  unyielding,  burnt  their  village.  The 
blame  lies  between  Mowatt  and  Admiral 
Graves,  both  of  whom  had  grudges  against 
the  town  on  account  of  a  previous  incident. 
The  ministry  repudiated  the  act,  but  the  fact 
is  undeniable  that  it  was  within  the  spirit 
of  the  instructions  given  to  a  later  expedition, 
to  " destroy  any  towns"  that  would  not 
submit.1  The  effect  on  the  Americans,  how 
ever,  was  very  far  from  teaching  submission. 
The  news  of  the  burning  of  Falmouth  did 
as  much  as  any  other  event  to  impress  the 
provincials  with  the  impossibility  of  an  agree 
ment  with  the  king. 

In  Gage's  place  now  stood  Howe,  on  whom 
the  British  hopes  centred.  According  to 
the  Tory  Samuel  Paine,  Howe  united  the 
spirit  of  a  Wolfe  with  the  genius  of  a  Marl- 
borough.  Without  prizing  him  quite  so  highly, 
both  the  army  and  the  administration  looked 
to  Howe  for  action  and  results.  It  seemed  to 
them  that  now  at  last  something  must  happen. 

1  Instructions  for  Clinton's  expedition  to  the  south 
ward.  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  292. 


358  The  Siege  of  Boston 

But  Howe,  though  with  a  willing  army 
at  his  back,  disciplined  and  well  equipped, 
did  nothing.  He  strengthened  the  Charles- 
town  lines  and  the  fort  on  Bunker  Hill,  he 
improved  the  defences  at  Boston  Neck,  and 
he  began  various  batteries  on  Beacon  Hill  and 
the  shores  of  the  Common.  He  demolished 
a  number  of  buildings  in  the  north  end  of  the 
town,  in  order  to  make  communication  be 
tween  his  posts  more  direct.  But  except 
for  the  little  expedition  across  the  Back 
Bay  to  Lechmere's  Point,  which  netted  a 
few  cows,  Howe  attempted  no  offensive  op 
erations.  As  already  shown,  the  regulars 
returned  from  Lechmere's  Point  as  soon 
as  the  provincials  assembled  in  numbers,  and 
no  attempt  was  made  to  hold  the  little  hill. 
Other  skirmishes  there  were  from  time  to  time, 
but  these  were  insignificant,  and  they  were 
all. 

The  fact  is  that  Howe's  opinion  coincided 
exactly  with  those  of  Gage  and  Burgoyne. 
The  country  was  too  strong  to  be  forced, 
especially  since  the  Americans  had  spent  a 


June  to  December  in  Boston         359 

summer  on  their  entrenchments.  There  was 
no  profit  in  taking  a  rebel  fort  if  the  army  and 
its  situation  were  to  be  weakened  thereby. 
Howe  looked  with  longing  eyes  toward  New 
York,  took  up  Burgoyne's  idea  of  a  post  in 
Rhode  Island,  and  believed  that  if  he  had 
twenty  thousand  men  holding  all  three  posi 
tions  the  rebels  would  be  beaten.  But  such 
an  army  was  not  forthcoming,  and  the  ques 
tion  arose  whether  he  had  best  stay  in  Bos 
ton  or  go  to  New  York.  In  reply  to  ques 
tions  from  the  ministry,  Howe  pointed  out 
that  he  had  not  a  large  enough  fleet  to  con 
vey  himself,  his  stores,  and  the  Tories,  from 
the  place.  It  was  therefore  understood  that 
more  ships  and  men  should  be  supplied  him 
in  the  spring,  and  that  meanwhile  he  should 
go  into  winter  quarters. 

This  was  done.  Buildings  in  the  town 
were  arranged  to  accommodate  the  troops, 
two  of  the  churches  being  fitted  up  for  this 
purpose.  The  tents  were  struck,  and  the 
army  made  itself  snug.  Howe  busied  him 
self  with  routine  matters  of  the  camp,  and 


360  The  Siege  of  Boston 

refused  to  budge.  Though  Washington  first 
fortified  Cobble  Hill  in  Somerville,  the  nearest 
he  had  yet  come  to  the  British  posts,  and 
though  after  that  he  came  a  step  nearer, 
seizing  Lechmere's  Point,  Howe  simply  fired 
from  cannon,  but  made  no  attempt  to  storm 
the  works.  The  cannonading  merely  inured 
the  Americans  to  danger,  and  seeing  that  it 
did  them  good  rather  than  harm,  Howe 
presently  stopped  it.  Washington,  perhaps 
not  aware  of  the  strength  of  his  own  position, 
declared  himself  "unable,  upon  any  principle 
whatever,"  to  account  for  Howe's  inaction. 
He  suspected  it  might  be  intended  to  lull 
him  into  a  false  sense  of  security,  but  resolved 
to  be  more  vigilant  than  ever. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


WASHINGTON'S  DIFFICULTIES 


THE  situation  at  Boston  in  the  fall  of 
1775  presents  an  interesting  compari 
son  :  two  generals  of  opposing  armies, 
each  ready  to  welcome  an  attack,  but  each  un 
able  to  deliver  one.  The  difference  between  the 
two,  and  the  fact  which  determined  the  outcome, 
was  in  the  natures  of  the  two  men.  Howe, 
from  a  certain  sluggishness  of  disposition,  was 
content  to  sit  tight,  and  wait  until  the  govern 
ment  at  home  should  send  him  his  relief. 
Though  at  each  move  his  enemy  came  nearer, 
Howe  still  appeared  to  believe  that  Dorchester 
was  safe  from  seizure,  and  was  content  so 
to  believe.  But  Washington  was  not  satisfied 
to  be  still.  His  nature  urged  him  to  action, 
and  though  he  knew  himself  too  weak  for  an 
assault,  he  constantly  schemed  and  worked  to 
put  his  army  into  condition  to  strike. 

361 


362  The  Siege  of  Boston 

In  some  ways  his  organization  was  already 
complete.  He  had  under  him  many  of  the 
men  who  were  to  serve  him  through  the  war. 
To  be  sure,  he  had  Charles  Lee,  "the  worst 
present  that  could  be  made  to  any  army ; " 
but  Lee's  part  in  the  siege  was  slight,  for 
Washington  frequently  employed  him  for  dis 
tant  undertakings.  Gates  was  still  present 
also,  but  in  a  subordinate  capacity.  And  an 
other  of  those  who,  before  the  war  was  over, 
did  their  best  to  wreck  the  American  cause, 
was  present  for  a  while  in  the  person  of  Bene 
dict  Arnold,  already  distinguished  by  his 
share  in  the  taking  of  Ticonderoga.  Early  in 
September,  however,  Arnold  was  sent  on  his 
fruitless  mission  against  Quebec. 

But  besides  these  men,  not  one  of  whom  had 
as  yet  proved  his  weakness,  Washington  had 
already  at  his  back  some  of  the  best  soldiers 
whom  the  war  produced.  Among  the  higher 
officers  were  Putnam,  Thomas,  Sullivan, 
Heath,  and  more  particularly  Greene.  Of 
lower  grade  were  Stark,  Morgan,  Prescott, 
and,  not  yet  well  known,  Knox,  the  Boston 


Washington's  Difficulties  363 

bookseller  whom  we  have  seen  endeavoring 
to  prevent  the  Massacre,  who  had  studied 
tactics  in  his  own  volumes  and  at  the  manoeu 
vres  of  the  regulars,  and  who  had  escaped 
from  Boston  just  before  the  iyth  of  June. 
There  were  yet  others  who  were  destined  to 
distinguish  themselves,  and  Washington  knew 
that  he  had,  among  his  officers,  as  courageous 
and  intelligent  soldiers  as  were  to  be  found 
anywhere. 

Yet  they  were  but  a  nucleus,  while  his 
supplies  remained  few  and  poor,  and  the 
organization  of  the  army  unsatisfactory.  As 
the  winter  approached,  Washington  looked 
forward  uneasily  to  the  expiration  of  the 
terms  of  enlistment  of  his  troops.  Some 
would  lapse  in  December,  the  rest  at  the 
first  of  January.  His  regiments  were  not 
uniform  in  size,  and  they  retained  too  much 
of  the  provincial  jealousy  which  had  already 
troubled  him,  and  which  had  perhaps  lost 
Bunker  Hill.  It  was  very  evident  to  him 
that  an  entirely  new  army  should  be  organ 
ized. 


364  The  Siege  of  Boston 

It  was  therefore  welcome  to  him  that 
Congress  should  send  a  committee  to  help 
him  in  the  matter  of  reorganization.  On 
October  18  the  committee,  with  Franklin  at 
its  head,  met  with  Washington,  his  staff,  and 
delegates  from  the  four  colonies  which  until 
now  had,  practically  alone,  been  prosecuting 
the  siege.  The  subject  had  been  already 
discussed  by  the  council  of  war,  and  the  little 
convention  was  made  acquainted  with  the 
discrepancies  in  the  organizations  of  the 
different  regiments,  and  the  needs  of  the 
army.  It  was  decided  to  reduce  the  num 
ber  of  regiments  from  thirty-eight  to  twenty- 
six.  This  meant  not  so  much  to  reduce  the 
number  of  men  as  the  number  of  officers. 
The  term  of  reenlistment  was  to  be  one  year, 
and  the  delegates  assured  Washington  that  he 
could  count  on  twenty  thousand  men  from 
Massachusetts,  eight  thousand  from  Con 
necticut,  three  thousand  from  New  Hamp 
shire,  and  fifteen  hundred  from  Rhode  Island. 
The  regiments  were  to  be  uniform  in  size, 
consisting  of  eight  companies  each ;  besides 


Washington's  Difficulties  365 

regular  infantry,  there  were  to  be  riflemen 
and  artillery.  A  system  for  clothing  and  sup 
plying  the  army  was  agreed  upon.  When  the 
little  convention  had  broken  up,  the  Com 
mittee  from  Congress  remained  for  a  few  days, 
revising  the  articles  of  war,  considering  the 
disposition  of  naval  prizes,  and  discussing  a 
number  of  minor  topics.  Upon  the  com 
mittee's  return  to  Philadelphia,  its  actions 
were  ratified  by  Congress.1 

Washington  then  set  himself  with  new 
assurance  to  his  task.  Thanks  to  the  con 
vention,  he  felt  that  he  had  a  united  country 
at  his  back,  and  that  much  had  been  done 
to  dissipate  colonial  jealousies.  These  are 
surprising  to  us  of  to-day :  one  is  astonished 
to  find  Greene  seriously  assuring  "the  gentle 
men  from  the  southward"  that  the  four  New 
England  colonies,  as  soon  as  they  had  con 
quered  King  George,  would  not  turn  their 
arms  against  the  South.  Yet  had  there  been 
any  such  intention,  the  New  Englanders 

1  See  the  "Writings  of  Washington,"  iii,  123-124, 
note. 


366  The  Siege  of  Boston 

already  had  their  hands  full  with  the  British, 
and  Washington  was  by  no  means  out  of  the 
woods.  On  paper  he  had  an  excellent  organi 
zation  ;  but  in  fact,  everything  was  still  to  be 
done. 

With  the  approach  of  winter,  the  first  task 
was  to  house  his  army.  This  was  gradually 
accomplished,  and  the  regiments  went  into 
their  winter  quarters.  For  a  time,  however, 
there  was  a  scarcity  of  food  and  fuel.  This 
was  due,  not  to  a  lack  of  either,  but  to  the 
weakness  in  the  system  of  providing  for 
them.  For  some  weeks  there  was  distress 
and  discontent ;  at  times  we  are  told  that 
the  troops  ate  their  provision  raw,  and  most 
of  the  orchards  and  shade  trees  within  the 
camp  were  cut  down  for  fuel.  Washington 
vigorously  represented  the  state  of  the  case 
to  the  Massachusetts  congress ;  he  gave  per 
mission  to  cut  wood  in  private  wood-lots, 
promising  payment ;  and  finally  the  need  was 
met.  The  towns  sent  generous  supplies  of 
wood  to  the  camp,  rations  were  provided  in 
plenty,  and  the  only  period  of  hardship  which 


Washington's  Difficulties  367 

the  Americans  endured  was  safely  passed 
before  the  winter  set  in. 

There  was  not  much  for  the  army  to  do 
when  once  the  barracks  were  built  and  new 
quarters  taken.  The  work  of  fortifying  Lech- 
mere's  Point  went  on  slowly,  on  account  of  the 
frost ;  it  was  not  until  the  end  of  February 
that  the  redoubt  was  completed,  and  its  guns 
mounted.  But  the  troops  were  drilled,  and 
were  kept  busy  in  perfecting  the  fortifications. 
Washington  seized  every  chance  to  improve 
his  defences,  as  we  see  him  when  planning 
new  redoubts  to  guard  against  the  possi 
bility  of  a  sortie  from  the  Neck.1 

The  news  of  the  burning  of  Falmouth 
reached  Washington  on  the  24th  of  October, 
and  greatly  roused  his  indignation.  As  it 
was  expected  that  the  British  fleet  might 
next  descend  upon  Portsmouth,  he  sent  Gen 
eral  Sullivan  thither,  with  orders  to  put  the 
harbor  in  a  state  of  defence,  and  at  all  events 
to  save  the  small  store  of  powder  which  had 
been  brought  into  that  place.  This  was  a 

1  See  letter  to  Ward,  "Writings,"  iii,  161. 


368  The  Siege  of  Boston 

capture  by  the  little  navy.  Mowatt's  fleet, 
however,  made  no  attempt  upon  Portsmouth, 
and  presently  returned  to  Boston.  Feeling 
temporarily  secure  against  further  depredations 
upon  the  coast,  Washington  put  his  whole 
energy  into  the  reorganization  of  his  army. 
The  period  from  the  end  of  November  until 
the  early  part  of  February  was  one  of  the 
hardest  in  Washington's  career.  His  diffi 
culties  were  those  which  we  have  seen  already, 
want  of  powder  and  want  of  arms,  but  to 
them  was  added  the  great  fear  of  a  lack  of 
men.  As  to  powder,  its  supply  still  fluc 
tuated,  small  quantities  coming  in  irregularly, 
and  being  steadily  used  in  equally  niggardly 
amounts,  or  slowly  spoiling  in  the  soldiers' 
pouches.  Muskets  were  still  scanty,  and 
Washington  saw  no  hope  except  in  buying 
those  of  his  soldiers  whose  terms  were  about 
to  expire,  or  in  sending  agents  through  the 
neighboring  towns  to  secure  what  they  could 
find.  There  was  a  corresponding  lack  of 
cannon,  bayonets,  flints,  and  small  appur 
tenances. 


Washington's  Difficulties  369 

But  weaknesses  of  this  kind  were  nothing 
as  compared  with  the  threatened  weakness  in 
men.  Washington  was  deeply  disappointed 
at  his  failure  to  recruit  his  newly  planned 
army.  Although  the  delegates  of  the  prov 
inces  had  promised  him  full  regiments,  the 
new  recruiting  system  seemed  to  fail  almost 
entirely.  The  general  presently  perceived 
several  distinct  factors  that  were  working 
against  its  success. 

In  the  first  place,  the  new  plan  provided 
for  fewer  officers  in  the  new  army.  Many  of 
the  provincial  regiments,  especially  those  of 
Massachusetts,  had  been  over-officered,  and 
now,  when  the  number  of  regiments  was  less 
by  twelve,  it  was  evident  that  scores  of  officers 
must  either  accept  lower  rank  or  leave  the 
army  entirely.  It  was  found  that  most  of 
those  who  could  not  obtain  equal  rank  were 
unwilling  to  remain,  and  that  they  were  in 
fluencing  their  men  to  leave  the  army  with 
them. 

Besides  this,  provincial  jealousies  worked 
strongly  in  this  matter  of  officers.  Massa- 

2  B 


37O  The  Siege  of  Boston 

chusetts  officers  who  had  been  forced  out  of 
service  might  have  found  places  in  the  Con 
necticut  regiments,  but  the  soldiers  of  the 
other  colony  would  have  none  of  them.  For 
each  company  and  each  platoon  held  firmly 
to  the  old  idea  that  it  must  be  consulted  con 
cerning  its  officers,  and  no  private  would  con 
sent  to  be  commanded  by  a  man  from  another 
colony.  This  alone  made  plentiful  trouble. 

Finally  the  men  themselves  had  ideas  of 
their  own  as  to  whether  they  cared  to  enlist. 
To  begin  with,  the  shrewd  among  them 
reckoned  that  if  they  only  held  out  long 
enough  they  might  secure  bounties  for  ree'n- 
listing.  Some  were  finicky  as  to  their  officers, 
and  waited  until  they  should  be  satisfied. 
And  most  of  them  perceived  that  as  a  reward 
for  patriotism  they  might  at  least  receive 
furloughs,  and  stood  out  for  them. 

The  details  of  the  work  of  enlisting  were 
very  obscure  and  complicated.  It  was  found 
that  officers  were  endeavoring  to  recruit  their 
own  companies,  and  in  their  zeal  had  enrolled 
men  who  were  already  registered  elsewhere. 


Washington's  Difficulties  371 

Outsiders,  anxious  for  commissions,  were  simi 
larly  forming  companies,  and  presenting  them 
for  acceptance.  Washington  steadily  refused 
to  receive  such  unauthorized  organizations. 
And  finally  it  was  suspected  that  many  men 
who  had  given  in  their  names  had  no  inten 
tion  of  serving. 

What  would  make  their  defection  more 
certain  was  the  irregularity  of  pay.  Congress 
had  appropriated  sums  of  money,  but  the 
currency  reached  Washington  slowly.  It  was 
very  singular,  he  complained,  that  the  signers 
of  the  scrip  could  not  keep  pace  with  his 
needs.  Further,  Congress  had  a  very  im 
perfect  idea  of  the  magnitude  of  his  legitimate 
needs ;  the  appropriations  were  niggardly. 
As  the  new  year  approached,  when  it  was 
important  that  the  men  should  be  paid,  and 
receive  assurance  of  further  pay,  Washington 
wrote  to  urge  more  remittances,  that  the  sol 
diers  might  be  satisfied. 

Even  the  crews  of  the  little  navy  gave 
Washington  no  peace.  His  "plague,  trouble, 
and  vexation"  with  them  he  was  unable  to 


372  The  Siege  of  Boston 

express ;  he  believed  that  there  was  not  on 
earth  a  more  disorderly  set.  One  crew  de 
serted,  and  its  vessel  was  docked. 

To  be  sure,  there  were  moments  of  satis 
faction  in  these  dreary  weeks  of  trial.  Cer 
tain  of  the  rejected  officers  rose  above  their 
disappointments.  One  of  these  was  Colonel 
Whitcomb,  who  was  not  given  a  regiment  in 
the  new  establishment.  At  this  his  men 
became  so  dissatisfied  that  they  decided  not 
to  enlist  at  all.  Colonel  Whitcomb,  in  order 
to  persuade  them  to  remain,  announced  his 
willingness  to  enlist  as  a  private.  The  situa 
tion  was  saved  by  Colonel  Jonathan  Brewer, 
who  offered  his  command  to  Colonel  Whit 
comb.  Washington,  in  a  general  order, 
thanked  both  of  the  officers.  Brewer  was 
made  Barrack-Master,  "until  something 
better  worth  his  acceptance  can  be  pro 
vided."  1 

1  See  the  "Writings  of  Washington,"  iii,  161,  note. 
The  facts  concerning  Washington's  difficulties  with 
enlisting  are  taken  chiefly  from  this  volume,  where 
they  can  best  be  studied. 


Washington's  Difficulties  373 

Other  relief  was  provided  by  captures  of 
British  vessels.  Of  great  importance  to  both 
armies  was  the  capture  of  the  Nancy,  an 
ordnance  brig  with  a  complete  cargo  of 
military  supplies  —  saving  only  powder.  So 
valuable  did  Washington  consider  the  capture 
that  he  at  once  sent  four  companies  to  the 
spot  where  the  stores  were  landed,  impressed 
teams  for  transportation,  and  called  out  the 
neighboring  militia  lest  Howe  should  make 
an  effort  to  recover  the  royal  property.  The 
British  were  on  their  part  greatly  disgusted  at 
the  loss  of  the  brig,  not  merely  as  weakening 
them,  but  also  as  strengthening  the  enemy. 
The  chief  prize  on  the  ship  was  a  thirteen- 
inch  brass  mortar,  which  on  its  arrival  in 
camp  was  greeted  with  acclamation,  and 
by  means  of  a  bottle  of  rum  was  solemnly 
christened  the  Congress. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Washington 
had  the  satisfaction  of  being  joined  by  his 
wife.  There  had  been  a  suggestion  that  her 
residence  on  the  Potomac  was  not  safe,  but 
even  before  the  naval  raids  Washington  had 


374  The  Siege  of  Boston 

begun  to  suggest  her  joining  him.  She  ar 
rived  on  the  nth  of  December,  and  resided 
until  the  end  of  the  siege  with  him  at  his 
headquarters  in  the  old  house  still  stand 
ing  on  Brattle  Street,  Cambridge.  The  house 
has  had  an  interesting  history,  having  been 
built  by  the  Tory  Vassalls,  occupied  by  the 
Marblehead  regiment,  by  Washington,  by  Dr. 
Andrew  Craigie,  surgeon  at  Bunker  Hill,  by 
Jared  Sparks,  Edward  Everett,  Noah  Webster, 
and  by  the  poet  Longfellow,  whose  family 
still  owns  it.  The  quarters  were  for  Wash 
ington  central  and  pleasant ;  they  gave  him 
his  last  taste  of  home  life  for  years. 

Yet  we  are  not  to  imagine  him  at  any  time 
free  of  difficulties.  With  December  began 
his  troubles  with  the  Connecticut  troops, 
whose  enlistment  had  expired.  In  spite  of 
previous  promises  to  remain  until  their  places 
were  filled,  and  against  orders  to  leave  their 
weapons,  many  of  the  Connecticut  men 
tried  to  slip  away,  guns  and  all.  Washing 
ton  frequently  speaks  of  them  in  his  letters 
of  the  first  half  of  December.  In  securing 


Washington's  Difficulties  375 

their  return  he  was  well  aided  by  the  officers, 
and  by  the  aged  but  still  energetic  Governor 
Trumbull,  who  heard  of  the  actions  of  his 
men  with  "grief,  surprise,  and  indignation." 
Trumbull  called  the  assembly  of  Connecticut 
together  to  consider  the  situation,  but  action 
was  forestalled  by  the  people  of  the  different 
towns.  The  hint  that  the  soldiers  had  best 
return  voluntarily,  lest  they  be  sent  back 
with  a  feathered  adornment  that  nature  had 
not  provided,  was  sufficient  to  hurry  most  of 
them  back  to  their  service. 

No  sooner  had  this  matter  been  smoothed 
over,  than  Washington  had  to  meet  the  gen 
eral  situation,  when  on  the  first  of  January 
most  of  the  enlistments  would  expire.  For 
some  weeks  he  had  been  anxiously  watching 
the  returns  of  the  enlistments,  and  the  figures 
frequently  plunged  him  into  depression.  On 
the  28th  of  November,  finding  that  but 
thirty-five  hundred  men  had  enlisted,  he 
wrote :  "  Such  a  dearth  of  public  spirit,  such 
stock-jobbing,  and  such  fertility  in  all  the 
low  arts  to  obtain  advantages  of  one  kind 


376  The  Siege  of  Boston 

or  another,  in  this  great  change  of  military 
arrangement,  I  never  saw  before,  and  pray 
God's  mercy  I  may  never  be  witness  to  again." 
A  week  later  he  found  himself  under  obliga 
tions  to  give  furlough  to  fifteen  hundred 
men  a  week,  in  order  to  satisfy  them.  To 
fill  their  places  and  those  of  the  Connecticut 
troops,  he  called  on  Massachusetts  and  New 
Hampshire  for  five  thousand  militia.  By 
the  middle  of  December  scarcely  six  thousand 
men  had  enlisted,  and  on  Christmas  Day 
only  eight  thousand  five  hundred.  On  New 
Year's  Day  his  army,  which  was  to  have  been 
at  least  twenty  thousand  men,  was  not  quite 
half  that  number. 

Under  such  circumstances  many  a  weaker 
man  would  have  thrown  up  his  office  or  aban 
doned  his  post.  Washington  stuck  to  his  task. 
If  Howe  would  but  remain  inactive,  the  lag 
gard  country  would  in  time  retrieve  itself. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  many  of  the  soldiers,  after 
a  brief  period  of  liberty,  returned  of  their 
own  accord  to  the  standard.  We  find  at 
least  one  case  in  the  diary  of  David  How, 


Washington's  Difficulties  377 

which,  in  addition  to  revealing  his  actions, 
gives  a  glimpse  of  the  camp  at  the  end  of  the 
year,  when  many  of  the  men  were  going 
away,  and  the  others  were  joining  their  new 
regiments. 

"This  Day,"  writes  How  on  the  3Oth  of 
December,  "we  paraded  and  had  our  guns 
took  from  us  By  the  Major  to  prise  them. 

"31.  This  Day  we  have  been  In  an  uprore 
about  packun  our  Things  up  In  order  to  go 
home  a  Monday  morning  as  Soon  as  we  Can. 

"Jan  i.  We  have  ben  all  Day  a  pecking 
up  our  Things  For  to  go  home. 

"zd  we  all  Left  Cambridg  this  morning  I 
went  to  mr.  Granger  and  staid  all  night. 

"3d  I  went  to  methuen. 

"$d  I  went  to  Haver  hill  to  by  some  Leather 
for  B retches. 

"6  day  I  come  to  Andover  and  Staid  at  Mr. 
os  goods. 

"7  day  I  come  to  Cambridge  about  Six  a 
Clock  at  Night. 

"Jany  the  8  1776  This  Day  I  Began  with 
Mr.  Watson. 


378  The  Siege  of  Boston 

"Jan  I4.1  This  Day  I  wint  to  Cobble 
Hill  &  to  Litchmor  point  and  to  prospeck  hill 
&  So  Home  again.  Nothing  new. 

"22.  I  listed  with  Leut  David  Chandler 
in  Coin  Sergant  Regment." 

And  so  David  How,  veteran  of  Bunker 
Hill,  and  doubtless  many  other  young  men, 
found  the  lure  of  the  camp,  and  let  us  say 
the  chance  to  serve  the  country,  too  much 
to  withstand.  Freedom  to  earn  their  own 
wages,  and  to  stroll  about  the  fortifications 
on  Sundays,  were  not  to  be  measured  against 
the  romance  of  soldiering  and  the  hope  of 
battle. 

This  same  New  Year's  Day,  1776,  occurred 
an  event  of  importance  in  the  hoisting  of  the 
flag  with  the  thirteen  stripes.  Previously 
the  colonies  had  used  different  devices,  in  the 
South  a  rattlesnake  flag  with  the  motto, 
" Don't  tread  on  me,"  and  for  the  Connecticut 
troops  the  colony  arms  and  the  motto  Qui 
transtulit  sustinet,  "which  we  construe  thus: 
'  God,  who  transplanted  us  hither,  will  sup- 

1  This  was  a  Sunday. 


Washington's  Difficulties  379 

port  us.'"1  Massachusetts  had  used  the  pine- 
tree  flag  and  the  motto  "  Appeal  to  Heaven," 
and  the  little  navy  had  a  sign  by  which  its 
ships  were  known  to  each  other,  "the  ensign 
up  to  the  main  topping-lift."  Now  for  the 
first  time  the  thirteen  stripes  with  the  British 
crosses  in  the  corner  were  raised,  amid  much 
enthusiasm. 

Curiously,  this  coincided  with  the  coming 
of  the  king's  recent  speech  in  Parliament, 
and  a  strange  interpretation  was  put  upon  the 
appearance  of  the  new  flag.  The  British 
had  caused  to  be  sent  to  the  American  lines 
many  copies  of  the  speech,  expecting  that 
its  expression  of  the  king's  determination 
to  prosecute  the  war,  even  by  the  use  of  for 
eign  troops,  would  bring  the  rebels  to  their 
knees.  The  cheering  in  the  American  camp, 
all  the  louder  on  account  of  the  sentiments 
of  his  gracious  majesty,  and  the  appearance  of 
the  new  flag,  combined  to  make  the  British 
suppose  that  the  provincials  were  weakening. 
"By  this  time,"  wrote  Washington  grimly  on 

1  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  104. 


380  The  Siege  of  Boston 

the  4th,  "I  presume  they  begin  to  think  it 
strange,  that  we  have  not  made  a  formal 
surrender  of  our  lines." 

It  was  well  that  he  could  jest,  however 
sternly,  for  his  situation  was  newly  compli 
cated  by  the  permission  of  Congress  to  attack 
Boston  whenever  he  might  think  expedient, 
"notwithstanding  the  town  and  property 
in  it  may  be  destroyed."  Such  permission 
was  equivalent  to  a  broad  hint,  and  there 
were  not  lacking  suggestions  from  many 
obscure  quarters  that  the  country  would  be 
more  content  if  its  general  should  relieve  it 
of  the  presence  of  the  British  army.  Of 
"chimney  corner  heroes"  Washington  had 
a  genuine  contempt,  but  the  resolve  of  Con 
gress  was  another  matter,  especially  when 
it  came  through  the  hands  of  John  Hancock. 
He  was  the  largest  property-owner  in  the 
town,  and  prospectively  the  greatest  sufferer 
by  its  destruction,  yet  he  cheerfully  wrote, 
"May  God  crown  your  attempt  with  success !" 

Long  before  now,  had  Washington  been 
able,  he  would  have  attempted  to  storm  the 


Washington's  Difficulties  381 

town.  But  as  often  as  he  called  a  council  of 
war  to  consider  the  matter,  so  often  did 
his  generals  advise  against  the  attempt.  The 
Americans  were  doubtful,  and  Lee,  affecting  to 
mistrust  the  temper  of  the  troops,  would  not 
advise  the  venture.  As  to  burning  the  town 
by  throwing  carcasses  l  into  it,  Lee  told  the 
others  that  the  town  could  not  be  set  on 
fire  by  such  means.  Washington  looked  for 
a  chance  to  assault  the  town  by  crossing  on 
the  ice,  but  for  a  long  time  the  Back  Bay  did 
not  freeze,  and  when  at  last  it  did,  he  had 
neither  men  nor  powder.  Such  then  was 
his  situation  when  he  answered  the  letter 
of  Hancock.2  He  begged  Congress  to  consider 
his  situation  if,  in  spite  of  their  wishes,  he  did 
not  act.  And  that  they  should  clearly  un 
derstand,  he  wTrote  these  words  :  - 

"It  is  not  in  the  pages  of  history,  perhaps, 

1  Carcasses  were  hollow  shells  with  several  openings. 
They  were  filled  with  combustibles,  and  when  thrown 
into  a  town  were  intended  to  set  fire  to  buildings. 

2  Washington's  communications  to  Congress  were  ad 
dressed  to  Hancock,  as  its  President. 


382  The  Siege  of  Boston 

to  furnish  a  case  like  ours.  To  maintain  a 
post  within  musket  shot  of  the  enemy,  for 
six  months  together,  without 
and  at  the  same  time  to  disband  one  army, 
and  recruit  another,  within  that  distance 
of  twenty-odd  British  regiments,  is  more, 
probably,  than  was  ever  attempted." 

The  significant  omission  in  this  passage  is 
the  word  "powder."  At  another  time,  when 
doubtful  of  the  safety  of  his  letter,  he  used 
the  paraphrase,  "what  we  greatly  need." 
He  knew  that  his  correspondents  would 
supply  the  omission  and  interpret  the  ref 
erence.  But  once  at  least,  on  the  I4th  of 
January,  when  writing  to  Joseph  Reed,  for 
merly  his  aide,  to  whom  at  this  period  he 
seems  to  have  written  more  freely  than  to 
any  one  else,  Washington  gave  a  complete 
account  of  his  situation  when  almost  at  its 
worst,  and  ended  with  an  explanation  of 
his  state  of  mind.  Conditions  are  so  com 
pletely  summarized,  and  his  thoughts  are 
so  frankly  given,  that  the  paragraphs  had 
best  be  given  entire. 


Washington's  Difficulties  383 

"Our  enlistments  are  at  a  stand;  the  fears 
I  ever  entertained  are  realized;  that  is,  the 
discontented  officers  (for  I  do  not  know  how  else 
to  account  for  it)  have  thrown  such  diffi 
culties  or  stumbling-blocks  in  the  way  of 
recruiting,  that  I  no  longer  entertain  a  hope 
of  completing  the  army  by  voluntary  enlist 
ments,  and  I  see  no  move  or  likelihood  to  do 
it  by  other  means.  In  the  last  two  weeks 
we  have  enlisted  but  about  a  thousand  men ; 
whereas  I  was  confidently  led  to  believe,  by 
all  the  officers  I  conversed  with,  that  we 
should  by  this  time  have  had  the  regiments 
nearly  completed.  Our  total  number  upon 
paper  amounts  to  about  ten  thousand  five 
hundred ;  but  as  a  large  portion  of  these  are 
returned  not  joined,  I  never  expect  to  receive 
them,  as  an  ineffectual  order  has  once  issued 
to  call  them  in.  Another  is  now  gone  forth, 
peremptorily  requiring  all  officers  under  pain 
of  being  cashiered,  and  recruits  of  being 
treated  as  deserters,  to  join  their  respective 
regiments  by  the  1st  day  of  next  month, 
that  I  may  know  my  real  strength ;  but  if 


384  The  Siege  of  Boston 

my  fears  are  not  imaginary,  I  shall  have  a 
dreadful  account  of  the  advanced  month's 
pay.1  In  consequence  of  the  assurances  given, 
and  my  expectation  of  having  at  least  men 
enough  to  defend  our  lines,  to  which  may 
be  added  my  unwillingness  to  burthen  the 
cause  with  unnecessary  expense,  no  relief  of 
militia  has  been  ordered  in,  to  supply  the 
places  of  those,  who  are  released  from  their 
engagements  tomorrow,  and  as  to  whom, 
though  many  have  promised  to  continue 
out  the  month,  there  is  no  security  for  their 
stay. 

"Thus  I  am  situated  with  respect  to  men. 
With  regard  to  arms  I  am  yet  worse  off. 
Before  the  dissolution  of  the  old  army,  I 
issued  an  order  directing  three  judicious  men 
of  each  brigade  to  attend,  review,  and  ap 
praise  the  good  arms  of  every  regiment ; 
and  finding  a  very  great  unwillingness  in 
the  men  to  part  with  their  arms,  at  the  same 
time  not  having  it  in  my  power  to  pay  them 
for  the  months  of  November  and  December, 

1  He  had  paid  in  advance  all  who  had  enlisted. 


Washington's  Difficulties  385 

I  threatened  severely,  that  every  soldier, 
who  should  carry  away  his  firelock  without 
leave,  should  never  receive  pay  for  those 
months  ;  yet  so  many  have  been  carried  off, 
partly  by  stealth,  but  chiefly  as  condemned, 
that  we  have  not  at  this  time  one  hundred 
guns  in  the  stores,  of  all  that  have  been  taken 
in  the  prize  ship  and  from  the  soldiery,  not 
withstanding  our  regiments  are  not  half  com 
plete.  At  the  same  time  I  am  told,  and  believe 
it,  that  to  restrain  the  enlistment  to  men  with 
arms,  you  will  get  but  few  of  the  former, 
and  still  fewer  of  the  latter  which  would  be 
good  for  anything. 

"How  to  get  furnished  I  know  not.  I  have 
applied  to  this  and  the  neighboring  colonies, 
but  with  \vhat  success  time  only  can  tell. 
The  reflection  of  my  situation,  and  that  of 
this  army,  produces  many  an  unhappy  hour 
when  all  around  me  are  wrapped  in  sleep. 
Few  people  know  the  predicament  we  are  in, 
on  a  thousand  accounts  ;  fewer  still  will  be 
lieve,  if  any  disaster  happens  to  these  lines, 
from  what  cause  it  flows.  I  have  often 

2C 


386  The  Siege  of  Boston 

thought  how  much  happier  I  should  have 
been,  if,  instead  of  accepting  the  command 
under  such  circumstances,  I  had  taken  my 
musket  on  my  shoulder  and  entered  the 
ranks,  or,  if  I  could  have  justified  the  measure 
to  posterity  and  my  own  conscience,  had 
retired  to  the  back  country,  and  lived  in  a 
wigwam.  If  I  shall  be  able  to  rise  superior 
to  these  and  many  other  difficulties,  I  shall 
most  religiously  believe,  that  the  finger  of 
Providence  is  in  it,  to  blind  the  eyes  of  our 
enemies ;  for  surely  if  we  get  well  through 
this  month,  it  must  be  for  want  of  their 
knowing  the  difficulties  we  labor  under. 

"Could  I  have  foreseen  the  difficulties, 
which  have  come  upon  us ;  could  I  have 
known,  that  such  a  backwardness  would  have 
been  discovered  among  the  old  soldiers  to 
the  service,  all  the  generals  on  earth  should 
not  have  convinced  me  of  the  propriety  of 
delaying  an  attack  upon  Boston  till  this 
time."1 

One  more  blow  Washington  was  to  receive, 

1  "Writings  of  Washington,"  iii,  238-241. 


Washington's  Difficulties  387 

in  the  news  of  the  failure  of  the  expedition 
against  Quebec.  This  came  to  him  on  the 
iyth  of  January.  But  from  about  that  time, 
though  very  slowly,  the  prospect  began  to 
brighten.  His  army  strengthened,  money  was 
loaned  him  by  Massachusetts,  and  though 
early  in  February  he  reported  that  he  had  in 
camp  two  thousand  men  without  guns,  even 
muskets  were  eventually  provided.  More 
over,  cannon  were  now  supplied  him,  through 
the  exertions  of  Henry  Knox.  Washing 
ton  had  detached  him  in  November  to 
go  to  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  and 
provide  means  for  bringing  the  captured 
cannon  to  camp.  The  general  had  even 
hoped  that  more  might  be  had  from  Quebec, 
but  that  expectation  was  now  gone.  Knox, 
in  the  face  of  many  difficulties,  fulfilled  his 
mission.  On  December  17  he  wrote  from 
Lake  George  that  he  had  got  the  cannon  as 
far  as  that  point,  and  with  forty-two  "  ex 
ceedingly  strong  sleds"  and  eighty  yoke  of 
oxen  expected  to  make  the  journey  to  Spring 
field,  whence  fresh  cattle  would  bring  him  to 


388  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Cambridge.  The  artillery,  in  this  humble 
manner,  at  last  arrived,  howitzers,  mortars, 
and  cannon,  fifty-five  pieces  of  iron  or  brass. 
With  what  had  been  captured  elsewhere 
the  supply  was  ample,  and  the  guns,  after  a 
delay  at  Framingham,  were  mounted  at  the 
fortifications,  or  reserved  for  the  attempt  to 
take  Dorchester.  Powder  also  had  slowly 
come  in  faster  than  it  was  used  or  could 
spoil,  and  Washington  found  himself  almost 
ready  to  act. 

When  at  last  he  could  draw  a  long  breath, 
with  the  feeling  that  the  worst  of  the  situa 
tion  was  over,  he  gave,  in  letters  to  Joseph 
Reed  and  John  Hancock,  his  opinion  of  his 
army  as  it  then  was,  and  of  the  means  to 
make  it  better.  Placed  behind  any  kind  of 
shelter,  his  provincials  would  give  a  good 
account  of  themselves.  But  they  could  not 
yet  be  depended  on  to  make  an  assault  in  the 
open  field.  For  this  they  would  have  to  receive 
severer  training,  and  in  order  to  acquaint 
them  with  their  proper  duties  a  longer  term 
of  service  was  necessary.  Even  now,  at  the 


Washington's  Difficulties  389 

beginning  of  another  year  of  service,  the 
men  had  the  officers  too  much  in  their  power, 
for  indulgence  was  necessary  in  order  to 
make  them  enlist  again.  He  was  therefore 
firmly  of  the  opinion  that  his  present  army, 
and  all  new  recruits,  should  be  enlisted  "for 
and  during  the  war."  Thus  Washington, 
looking  beyond  his  still  uncompleted  task, 
like  Lincoln  many  years  later,  perceived  the 
only  means  to  final  success. 

But  with  the  means  which  he  had  at  hand 
he  was  now  impatient  to  act.  It  was  almost 
March,  and  at  any  time  Howe  might  receive 
the  reinforcements  which  would  enable  him 
to  take  the  offensive.  Washington  prepared 
to  fortify  Dorchester  as  soon  as  the  state 
of  the  ground  would  permit  of  digging,  and 
in  order  to  lessen  the  work  he  prepared 
fascines  —  which  were  bundles  of  sticks  - 
and  chandeliers  or  frameworks  to  hold  the 
bundles  in  place  in  order  to  serve  as  the  body 
of  an  embankment.  Remembering  how  at 
Bunker  Hill  the  regulars  had  been  led  to 
suppose  that  the  troops  at  the  rail  fence, 


390  The  Siege  of  Boston 

protected  by  nothing  except  the  rails  and 
hay,  were  behind  an  embankment,  he  col 
lected  ropes  of  hay  to  use  if  necessary  for 
the  same  purpose,  but  also  to  bind  the  wheels 
of  his  carts  that  they  might  make  no  noise. 
Carts  he  collected  to  the  number  of  three 
hundred.  In  the  Charles  River  he  prepared 
boats  enough  to  carry  twenty-eight  hundred 
men.  Two  floating  batteries  were  also  made 
ready  there ;  a  third  had  earlier  been  destroyed 
by  the  bursting  of  its  cannon  when  firing  at 
the  camp  on  the  Common.  Washington  was 
about  to  strike,  with  the  suddenness  which 
characterized  him,  but  also  with  the  thorough 
readiness. 

For  his  camp,  even  if  temporarily,  was 
now  full.  Early  in  February  came  in  ten 
regiments  of  militia,  summoned  on  service 
until  the  first  of  April.  They  manifested, 
he  wrote  with  satisfaction,  the  greatest  alert 
ness,  and  the  determination  of  men  engaged 
in  the  cause  of  freedom.  And  on  the  first  of 
March  he  called  into  camp  the  militia  of  the 
neighboring  towns,  who  were  to  report  at 


Washington's  Difficulties  391 

Roxbury  fully  equipped  for  three  days'  ser 
vice.  To  these  men  was  read  his  general 
order,  preparing  their  minds  for  action.  They 
were  forbidden  to  play  at  cards  or  other  games 
of  chance,  and  advised  to  ponder  the  im 
portance  of  the  cause  in  which  they  were 
enlisted.  "But  it  may  not  be  amiss  for  the 
troops  to  know,"  he  added,  "that  if  any  man  in 
action  shall  presume  to  skulk,  or  hide  himself, 
or  retreat  from  the  enemy  without  the  orders 
of  his  commanding  officer,  he  will  be  instantly 
shot  down."  And  with  this  exhortation  and 
warning  Washington  concluded  his  prepara 
tions. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

THE   WINTER   IN   BOSTON 

WHEN  the  British  army  went  into 
winter  quarters  it  was  nearly  at  the 
end  of  its  difficulties  concerning  food. 
Supplies  from  England  had  been  very  meagre, 
and  the  occasional  raids  had  provided  poorly 
for  the  wants  of  the  town.  But  since  October 
matters  had  improved,  largely  because  of  the 
criticism  of  the  English  Whigs  in  Parliament. 
These  pointed  out  the  inactivity  of  the  troops, 
the  humiliation  of  the  situation,  the  sickness 
and  want  in  Boston.  In  order  that  nothing 
should  be  left  undone  to  remedy  the  last, 
the  perplexed  ministry  spent  money  lavishly 
to  provision  its  garrison.  Five  thousand 
oxen,  fourteen  thousand  sheep,  with  a  great 
number  of  hogs,  were  purchased,  and  shipped 
alive.  Vegetables,  preserved  by  a  new  pro 
cess,  were  bought  in  quantities ;  wheat  and 

392 


The  Winter  in  Boston  393 

flour  were  collected ;  wood,  coal,  hay,  and 
other  fodder,  with  beer,  porter,  rum,  Geneva, 
and  the  more  innocent  vinegar,  were  gener 
ously  provided.  To  be  sure,  the  commissions 
on  all  these  purchases  provided  fortunes 
for  the  relatives  of  those  in  office,  and  the 
ship-owners  found  excuses  for  setting  sail  as 
late  as  possible,  in  order  to  increase  the  hire 
of  their  craft.  As  a  result,  much  of  the  vast 
expense  —  some  six  hundred  thousand  pounds 
for  provisions  alone --was  wasted.  Con 
trary  gales  detained  the  ships  ;  the  live  stock 
died  by  wholesale,  and  was  thrown  over 
board  ;  the  vegetables  spoiled ;  and  numbers 
of  the  ships  were  lost  outright.  Others,  ar 
riving  without  convoy  at  the  American  coast, 
were  captured  by  the  watchful  privateers. 
But  of  such  vast  supplies  enough  reached 
Boston  to  relieve  the  worst  distresses  of  the 
inhabitants.  Though  the  poorer  of  the  Whigs 
had  either  to  sign  humiliating  declarations 
in  order  to  share  in  the  rations  of  the  troops, 
or  else  to  continue  on  meagre  fare,  there  was 
enough  in  the  general  market  for  the  well-to-do 


394  The  Siege  of  Boston 

among  them  to  supply  themselves.  John 
Andrews,  for  instance,  though  he  lived  at 
the  rate  of  six  or  seven  hundred  sterling  a 
year,  after  October  ate  scarcely  three  meals  of 
salt  meat,  "for  I  was  determined  to  eat  fresh 
provissions,  while  it  was  to  be  got,  let  it  cost 
what  it  would." 

There  was,  however,  for  months  a  great 
shortage  of  fuel.  As  the  winter  set  in  early, 
and  with  severity,  large  quantities  were 
needed,  and  there  was  little  on  hand.  The 
troops,  of  their  own  initiative,  had  already, 
even  in  the  summer,  begun  to  make  depre 
dations  on  private  property,  stealing  gates 
and  breaking  up  fences.  This  the  com 
manders  endeavored  to  stop,  but  took  the 
hint  and  did  the  same  by  official  condem 
nation.  As  so  many  of  the  inhabitants  had 
left  the  town,  the  abandoned  houses  were 
torn  down  for  fuel.  When  the  winter  came, 
the  troops  again  began  on  their  own  account 
to  steal  wood.  Howe  threatened  to  hang  the 
next  man  caught  in  the  act,  but  still  was 
forced  to  follow  the  example. 


The  Winter  in  Boston  395 

In  choosing  buildings  for  destruction,  it 
was  very  natural  to  select  Whig  property. 
Perhaps  the  harshest  assault  on  provincial 
sentiment  had  been  made  in  summer,  when 
during  August  Liberty  Tree  was  felled.  The 
Whigs  felt  very  indignant,  but  took  a  peculiar 
pleasure  in  the  reflection  that  during  the 
operation  a  soldier  had  been  accidentally  killed. 
In  the  various  poems  written  on  the  occasion 
the  wretch's  soul  was  unanimously  consigned 
to  Hades.  It  was  besides  remarked  that 
the  genuine  tree  of  liberty,  of  which  this  had 
been  but  a  symbol,  had  now  grown  so  great 
as  to  overshadow  the  continent. 

Besides  Liberty  Tree,  the  property  of 
leading  Whigs  suffered.  "My  house  and 
barn,"  writes  Newell  the  selectman,  on  the 
i6th  of  November,  " pulled  down  by  order 
of  General  Robinson."  Leach  the  school 
master,  whose  imprisonment  had  made  him 
a  marked  man,  had  a  hard  fight  to  save  his 
property.  On  Christmas  Day  he  found  a 
party  of  soldiers  destroying  his  wharf,  which 
had  been  allotted,  as  was  the  custom,  to  one 


396  The  Siege  of  Boston 

of  the  regiments,  in  this  case  the  light  dra 
goons.  In  spite  of  his  efforts  Leach  was  not 
able  to  stop  this  destruction,  as  evidently  in 
the  present  state  of  the  town  there  was  no 
use  for  wharves.  But  when  his  schoolhouse 
was  threatened  he  carried  the  matter  to 
headquarters.  Howe  said  Leach  had  corre 
sponded  with  the  people  without.  "  I  denied 
the  charge.  .  .  .  Finally  I  told  him,  as  an 
Englishman,  and  a  subject  of  the  King's,  I 
claimed  protection  of  my  property ;  and  if 
my  House  was  pulled  down,  I  would  follow 
him  to  England,  or  to  China,  for  satisfaction. 
I  expected  he  would  get  angry,  and  order  me 
under  Guard,  or  else  to  Gaol  again.  How 
ever,  in  General  he  behaved  kindly."  Howe 
referred  him  to  his  subordinates,  who  de 
layed  giving  orders  until  the  soldiers  had 
already  broken  into  the  schoolhouse.  With 
much  resolution  Leach  got  them  from  the 
house  and  stood  on  guard  at  the  door  until 
by  referring  to  Howe  the  schoolhouse  was 
saved.  But  Leach  had  meanwhile  lost  "valu 
able  Books  and  Instruments,  Drawings,  Col- 


The  Winter  in  Boston  397 

ours,  Brushes,  several  curious  Optick  Glasses, 
and  sundry  things  of  Value  that  I  brought 
from  India  and  China,  that  I  cannot  replace 
for  money."1 

At  this  time  was  pulled  down  the  Old 
North  Church,  the  steeple  of  the  West  Church, 
and  John  Winthrop's  house,  one  of  the  oldest 
landmarks  in  the  town.  Over  in  Charlestown 
the  troops  used  for  fuel  the  deserted  houses 
that  had  not  been  consumed  on  the  iyth  of 
June.  At  one  time  they  were  demolishing  a 
mill  near  the  American  lines,  but  the  pro 
vincials  drove  them  away  and  presently 
burnt  the  mill.  At  another  time,  by  a  similar 
endeavor  to  lessen  the  British  supply  of  fuel, 
there  was  brought  about  one  of  the  more 
amusing  incidents  of  the  siege. 

The  officers  in  Boston,  having  little  active 
work  to  do,  were  endeavoring  to  forget  the 
irksomeness  and  the  humiliation  of  their  situa 
tion.  Through  no  fault  of  their  own  the 
position  was  a  hard  one ;  they  had  boasted, 
and  were  not  allowed  to  make  good  their 

1  "N.  E.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Register,"  1865,  313-314. 


398  The  Siege  of  Boston 

vainglory ;  they  had  despised  their  adver 
saries,  and  were  cooped  up  in  a  provincial 
town.  In  letters  home  they  uneasily  en 
deavored  to  explain  their  inaction ;  by  return 
mail  they  learned  what  the  wits  of  London 
had  to  say  of  both  them  and  the  country. 
"Mrs.  Brittania,"  remarked  Horace  Walpole, 
"orders  her  Senate  to  proclaim  America  a 
continent  of  cowards,  and  vote  it  should  be 
starved,  unless  it  would  drink  tea  with  her. 
She  sends  her  only  army  to  be  besieged  in 
one  of  her  towns,  and  half  her  fleet  to  besiege 
the  terra  firma;  but  orders  her  army  to  do 
nothing,  in  hopes  that  the  American  Senate 
in  Philadelphia  will  be  so  frightened  at  the 
British  army  being  besieged  in  Boston  that 
it  will  sue  for  peace."  There  was  sting  in 
these  words,  but  no  remedy  for  the  smart. 

In  order  to  forget  such  flings,  and  to 
banish  the  consideration  of  crowded  quarters, 
irregular  rations  (for  there  still  were  periods 
of  lean  supply),  slow  pay,  and  inaction,  the 
officers  tried  to  kill  time.  The  cavalry  regi 
ments  searched  for  a  means  of  exercising  their 


The  Winter  in  Boston  399 

horses,  and  Burgoyne  is  credited  with  the 
solution  of  their  problem.  Newell  recorded  in 
his  journal  how  his  church,  after  being  profaned 
by  Morrison,  was  examined  by  the  colonel  of  the 
light  horse,  to  see  if  the  building  was  available 
for  a  riding-school.  "But  when  it  was  con 
sidered  that  the  Pillars  must  be  taken  away, 
which  would  bring  down  the  roof,  they  altered 
their  mind  —  so  that  the  Pillars  saved  us." 
A  more  notable  building  had  to  suffer  in 
stead.  The  Old  South  was  taken  for  the 
purpose.  The  furnishings  were  torn  out,  and 
Deacon  Hubbard's  carved  pew  was  carted 
away  to  be  used  as  a  hog-sty.  The  dis 
mantled  church  was  transformed  into  a  riding- 
ring,  with  tanbark  on]  the  floor,  and  a  leaping- 
bar.  One  of  the  galleries  was  fitted  up  for 
a  social  meeting-place ;  the  remainder  were 
used  for  spectators,  for  whose  comfort  was 
put  in  a  stove  into  which  disappeared  for 
kindling  many  of  the  books  and  manuscripts 
stored  in  the  building.  For  the  rest  of  the 
siege  the  Old  South,  once  so  formidable,  was 
a  centre  of  Tory  fashion. 


400  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Burgoyne  was  credited,  also,  with  the  de 
sign  of  putting  an  almost  equally  sacred 
edifice  to  a  purpose  still  more  horrifying  to 
the  good  Calvinists  of  Boston.  Faneuil  Hall, 
the  cradle  of  liberty,  was  made  a  theatre. 
Various  plays  were  performed,  and  the  ama 
teurs  were  even  so  ambitious  as  to  attempt 
the  tragedies  of  T^ara  and  Tamerlane.  For 
the  latter  performance  Burgoyne  wrote  a 
prologue  and  epilogue,  which  were  spoken  by 
Lord  Rawdon,  who  had  distinguished  himself 
at  Bunker  Hill,  and  "a  young  lady  ten  years 
old."  But  the  great  event  of  the  season  was 
to  be  the  production  of  a  farce  called  the 
Blockade  of  Boston.  It  was  this  performance 
which  the  Americans  interrupted,  to  the  peren 
nial  satisfaction  of  all  students  of  local  history. 

The  play  was  to  be  performed  on  a  Jan 
uary  night.  The  Busy  Body  had  just  been 
given,  and  the  curtain  rose  on  the  farce,  pre 
senting  a  view  of  the  American  camp,  and 
the  figure  of  Washington  absurdly  burlesqued 
in  uniform,  wig,  and  rusty  sword.  At7this 
moment  a  sergeant  suddenly  appeared  on 


The  Winter  in  Boston  401 

the  stage,  calling  out,  "The  Yankees  are 
attacking  our  works  on  Bunker's  Hill!" 
Conceiving  this  spirited  action  a  part  of  the 
play,  the  audience  began  to  applaud.  But 
the  sergeant  vigorously  repeated  his  state 
ment,  the  sounds  of  distant  cannonading 
were  heard,  and  an  aide  called  out,  "Officers, 
to  your  posts  !"  The  officers  responded  in 
all  haste,  and  the  performance  was  over  for 
the  evening.  The  reason  for  this  interrup 
tion  was  that  Washington  had  despatched  a 
party  to  burn  some  of  the  houses  still  stand 
ing  in  Charlestown.  The  success  of  the  at 
tempt  had  caused  the  cannonading,  and  the 
consequent  interruption  of  the  play.  No 
historian  of  the  siege  has  failed  to  remark 
that  the  Whig  ladies  had  the  laugh  of  their 
Tory  sisters,  forced  to  return  without  their 
escorts. 

A  month  before  this  incident,  on  the  5th 
of  December,  Burgoyne  had  sailed  for  home, 
recalled  largely  at  his  own  instance,  but  al 
ready  under  consideration  for  the  disastrous 
expedition  from  Canada.  He  did  not  return 


2D 


402  The  Siege  of  Boston 

to  Boston  until  1777,  when  he  came  as  a 
prisoner.  It  was  when  entering  the  town 
that  he  learned  that  the  townspeople  had 
long  memories  for  his  real  or  ascribed  indig 
nity  to  the  Old  South,  for  when  he  remarked 
to  a  friend  upon  the  Province  House,  the 
headquarters  during  the  siege,  a  voice  from 
the  crowd  reminded  him  that  the  riding-school 
was  close  at  hand.  Since  on  the  same  occa 
sion  an  old  lady  loudly  beseeched  her  neigh 
bors  to  "give  the  general  elbow-room,"  Bos 
ton  may  be  said  to  have  taken  its  mild 
revenge  on  him. 

Theatrical  performances,  balls,  and  parties 
were  the  amusements  of  the  officers  at  this 
period  of  the  siege,  and  persons  of  fashion 
doubtless  were  pleasantly  situated.  It  was 
not  so  comfortable  for  the  troops  and  their 
dependents,  as  we  have  already  seen.  The 
lack  of  fuel  and  consequent  depredations  on 
property  led  to  plundering  of  a  different  kind, 
and  petty  thievery,  which  Howe  put  down 
with  a  stern  hand.  Heavy  floggings  were 
meted  out  to  delinquents,  and  a  wife  of  one 


The  Winter  in  Boston  403 

of  the  privates  was  even  sentenced  to  public 
whipping  for  receiving  stolen  goods.  While 
there  were  no  true  horrors  at  this  siege,  there 
was  thus  much  roughness  of  conduct  among 
the  soldiery,  and  of  this  the  Whigs  were  sure 
to  be  the  victims.  With  the  example  of 
Leach  and  Lovell  before  their  eyes,  the  wiser 
among  the  provincials  spoke  cannily  and 
walked  softly,  and  attracted  as  little  attention 
as  possible.  But  among  the  poorer  class 
there  was  much  distress  for  lack  of  food  and 
fuel,  for  even  when  the  troops  had  plenty,  it 
was  difficult  for  the  patriots  to  buy. 

With  their  strength  somewhat  depleted,  it 
was  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  poorer 
class  was  visited  by  smallpox.  The  epidemic 
was  a  mild  one,  and  few  persons  died,  but 
the  visitation  created  great  uneasiness.  To 
lessen  his  burden,  during  the  winter  Howe 
sent  out  several  companies  of  the  poorer  folk 
from  the  town,  landing  them  at  Point  Shirley, 
with  the  certainty  that  the  Americans  would 
care  for  them.  But  his  action  called  down 
much  reproach,  and  he  was  accused  of  send- 


404  The  Siege  of  Boston 

ing  out  persons  with  the  smallpox,  in  order 
to  infect  the  besieging  army.  It  was  even 
charged  that  he  had  purposely  inoculated 
some  of  the  evicted.  This,  of  course,  is  not 
to  be  believed;  but  it  is  curious  to  find  the 
British  at  last  taking  satisfaction  in  the  epi 
demic,  since  it  would  prevent  Washington 
from  attacking. 

Gradually  a  feeling  of  security  came  over 
the  besieged  town.  Admiral  Graves  had 
been  recalled,  and  Shuldham  took  his  place. 
The  lighthouse  was  rebuilt  and  guarded. 
Howe  felt  strong  enough  to  detach  a  squad 
ron  from  the  fleet  in  order  to  carry  Clinton 
with  a  body  of  troops  to  the  southward. 
This  was  the  expedition  that  made  the  un 
successful  attack  upon  Charleston.  Howe 
sent  other  vessels  to  the  northern  provinces 
and  the  West  Indies,  which  brought  in  sup 
plies.  The  store-ships  from  England  con 
tinued  to  come  in,  and  though  Howe  was 
vexed  and  at  times  alarmed  by  the  loss  of  the 
valuable  stores  that  fell  into  Washington's 
hands,  on  the  whole  he  felt  very  strong.  So 


The  Winter  in  Boston  405 

much  fuel  arrived  that  in  January  the  de 
struction  of  houses  and  wharves  was  stopped, 
and  the  men  who  had  been  on  duty  for  the 
purpose  were  commanded  to  make  themselves 
presentable.  Neatness  was  a  hobby  with 
Howe,  and  he  enforced  it  on  his  men,  though 
at  times  the  untidiness  of  his  troops  seems  to 
have  been  remarkable.1 

There  are  two  expressions  which  show  the 
confidence  entertained  at  this  period,  not 
only  by  the  garrison  at  large,  but  by  the 
British  general.  One  Crean  Brush  had  made 
himself  a  place  in  the  service,  not  in  a  mili 
tary  capacity,  but  as  a  useful  hanger  on.  In 
January,  anticipating  the  result  of  the  spring 
campaign,  he  offered  to  raise  a  body  of  volun 
teers,  not  less  than  three  hundred,  with  which 
he  proposed,  after  the  "subduction  of  the 
main  body  of  the  rebel  force,"  to  keep  order 
along  the  Connecticut,  and  to  maintain  com 
munication  westward  with  Lake  Champlain. 
There  is  no  record  that  Howe  took  him  at 

1  See  his  general  order  enumerating  faults,  in  Sparks, 
"Writings  of  Washington,"  iii,  236,  note. 


406  The  Siege  of  Boston 

his  word,  but  he  well  might  have  done  so,  so 
completely  did  he  misjudge  the  situation.  For 
about  the  same  time  he  wrote  to  Lord  Dart 
mouth  that  he  was  not  apprehending  any 
attempt  by  Washington,  "by  surprise  or 
otherwise."1 

But  the  surprise  came.  On  the  night  of 
the  second  of  March  the  American  batteries, 
so  long  silent,  began  to  play.  From  Cobble 
Hill,  Lechmere  Point,  and  Lamb's  Dam  in 
Roxbury,  the  three  redoubts  nearest  to  Bos 
ton,  the  Americans  bombarded  the  town,  and 
Howe's  gunners  instantly  responded."  The 
American  fire  was  ineffective.  "Our  people," 
wrote  David  How,  "splet  the  Congress  the 
Third  Time  that  they  fired  it."  Other  heavy 
mortars  were  likewise  burst,  doubtless  owing 
to  the  inexperience  of  the  gunners.  But 
Washington's  purpose,  to  "divert  the  atten 
tion"  of  the  British  from  Dorchester,  was  ful 
filled.  They  had  no  eyes  save  for  the  oppo- 
ing  batteries.  For  three  nights  the  diversion 
continued ;  on  the  4th  it  was,  wrote  Newell, 

1  See  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  294-295. 


The  Winter  in  Boston 


407 


"a  most  terrible  bombardment  and  cannon 
ade,  on  both  sides,  as  if  heaven  and  earth 
were  engaged."  At 
Braintree,  miles  away, 
Abigail  Adams  listened 
to  the  roar,  and  re 
corded  the  rattling  of 
the  windows,  and  the 
continual  jar  of  the 
house.  "At  six  in  the 
morning,"  she  writes, 
"there  was  quiet,"  but 
the  quiet  was  from  sat 
isfaction  on  the  one 
side,  and  amazement 
on  the  other. 

On  the  two  heights 
of  Dorchester,  com 
manding  the  town  and 
the  harbor,  stood  two 

.  .  TOWER  ON  DORCHESTER  HEIGHTS 

American        redoubts,          COMMEMORATING    THE    EVACUA- 

larger     and     stronger 

than  the  redoubt  at  Breed's  Hill.     On  lesser 

elevations    stood    smaller  works.     Seen  from 


408  The  Siege  of  Boston 

below,  Washington's  preparations  seemed 
complete. 

All  that  moonlit  night,  while  the  cannon 
ade  proceeded,  the  Americans  had  been  busy. 
Everything  had  been  prepared :  the  forts 
were  staked  out,  the  carts  were  loaded,  the 
men  were  ready.  As  soon  as  the  cannonade 
began,  the  men  and  carts  were  set  in  motion ; 
the  road  was  strewn  with  hay,  and  bales  were 
piled  to  screen  the  carts  as  they  passed  to  and 
fro.  The  troops  worked  with  a  will,  first 
placing  fascines  in  chandeliers  to  form  the 
outlines  of  their  works,  and  then  covering 
them  with  earth.  There  is  no  better  con 
temporary  account  given  than  in  the  diary 
of  an  unnamed  officer,  published  some  ninety 
years  later.1  He  wrote  :  — 

"A  little  before  sunset  marched  off  from 
Roxbury ;  but  for  more  than  half  a  mile 
before  we  came  to  Dorchester  lines,2  we  over 
took  teams  in  great  plenty,  nor  did  we  find 

1  See  the  Historical  Magazine  for  1864,  328-329. 

2  These  were  a  line  of  fortifications  facing  Dorches 
ter,  made  earlier  in  the  siege. 


The  Winter  in  Boston  409 

any  vacancy  till  we  came  to  the  lines ;  in 
some  places  they  were  so  wedged  in  together, 
we  were  obliged  to  leave  the  road  to  get 
forward ;  we  reached  the  lines  at  seven 
o'clock,  where  we  waited  half  an  hour  for 
orders,  when  a  signal  was  given  and  the 
cannonade  began  at  Lamb's  fort,  and  was 
immediately  answered  by  a  very  warm  fire 
from  the  enemy's  lines  ;  a  brisk  fire  between 
N.  Boston  and  our  fortifications  on  Cambridge 
side,  began  soon  after.  It  was  supposed 
there  was  a  thousand  shot  hove  this  night, 
by  both  armies,  more  than  three  fourths  of 
which  were  sent  from  Boston.1  Our  party, 
consisting  of  about  2400  men,  with  300  teams, 
were  crossing  the  marsh,  onto  the  Neck, 
which  together  with  a  fresh  breeze  from 
the  S.  W.2  concealed  us  from  the  enemy  till 
they  could  see  our  works  by  daylight.  The 

1  According  to  Knox's  return,  given  in  Frothingham's 
"  Siege,"  298,  footnote,  the  Americans  threw  only  144 
shot  and  13  shells.     The  British  seem  to  have  needed 
only  an  occasional  stimulus. 

2  This  breeze  would  bring  the  smoke  of  the  Roxbury 
cannonade  between  the  Heights  and  Boston. 


4i  o  The  Siege  of  Boston 

division  to  which  I  was  assigned,  commanded 
by  Col.  Whitcomb,  was  ordered  onto  the 
northerly  hill,  where  in  one  hour's  time  we 
had  a  fort  enclosed,  with  fascines  placed  in 
shandelears ;  and  we  immediately  employed 
as  many  men  at  intrenching  as  could  be 
advantageously  used  for  that  purpose.  A 
larger  party  was  assigned  to  the  high  hill, 
where  they  erected  a  larger  fort,  built  much 
in  the  same  manner  as  ours.  There  were 
four  other  smaller  forts  and  batteries  erected 
this  night  on  other  eminences  on  the  Neck."  x 
It  is  not  to  be  wondered  that  the  British, 
on  making  the  discovery,  "seemed  to  be  in 
great  confusion."  2  The  labor  that  had  been 
expended  appeared  prodigious.  Washington 
himself  was  satisfied  with  the  works ;  he 

1  It  seems  generally  to  be  considered  that  there  was 
but  one  fort  at  Dorchester.     The  statement  in  the  text 
is  confirmed  by  the  Revolutionary  Journal  of  Colonel 
Baldwin,  one  of  the  engineers.     "Six  works  thrown  up 
this  night  at  different  places  on  the  Hills  &  high  ground 
a  very  Great  work  for  one  Night." 

2  Washington's  letter  to  Hancock,   "Writings,"  iii, 
304- 


The  Winter  in  Boston  411 

knew  them  to  be  secure  against  the  British 
cannon.  To  Howe  the  achievement  was 
amazing,  and  he  is  said  to  have  exclaimed 
that  his  whole  army  could  not  have  done  as 
much  in  a  month.  He  wrote  to  Lord  Dart 
mouth  that  the  rebels  must  have  employed 
at  least  twelve  thousand  men,  whereas  it  was 
accomplished  by  two  details  of  little  more 
than  two  thousand  men  each.  But  in  those 
days  the  British  soldier  was  a  poor  hand 
with  a  shovel,  while  the  Americans  were  all 
farmers.  Nevertheless  it  is  worth  noting  the 
difference  in  organization  displayed  in  the  tak 
ing  of  Dorchester  and  in  the  earlier  seizure  of 
Breed's  Hill.  Instead  of  a  small  detachment 
sent  to  unsurveyed  ground,  and  unaided  dur 
ing  both  the  work  and  the  battle,  Washington 
had  his  ground  prepared,1  his  detachments 
ready,  and  his  cannon  in  reserve  to  send  upon 
the  Heights.  In  the  morning  the  redoubts, 
presenting  the  appearance  of  finished  fortifica 
tions,  were  manned  with  fresh  men. 

1  Colonel  Baldwin  records  that  he  was  on  the  ground 
in  the  afternoon. 


412  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Howe  called  at  once  a  council  of  war.  To 
it  the  admiral  was  summoned,  and  declared 
positively  that  his  fleet  was  at  the  mercy  of 
the  rebels.  There  was  but  one  opinion  as  to 
the  situation :  the  honor  of  the  army  was  at 
stake,  and  in  addition  the  military  reputation 
of  the  general.  It  was  promptly  decided  to 
storm  the  works. 

For  this  purpose  twenty-four  hundred  men 
were  sent  to  the  Castle,  which  lay  close  under 
the  Heights  to  the  east,  with  but  a  narrow 
channel  between.  The  command  of  these 
men  was  given  to  Lord  Percy,  who  hoped 
now  for  the  distinction  which  illness  had  pre 
vented  his  achieving  at  Bunker  Hill.  The 
attack  was  to  be  made  at  night.  Within  the 
lines  at  Boston  Neck  was  to  be  gathered 
another  force  of  troops,  which  was  to  second 
the  attack  from  that  direction.  This  last, 
in  the  face  of  the  strong  batteries  at  Rox- 
bury,  was  a  forlorn  hope ;  according  to  Lieu 
tenant  Barker  the  troops  were  not  to  load, 
but  to  advance  with  fixed  bayonets,  and  may 
have  hoped  to  carry  the  works  by  surprise. 


The  Winter  in  Boston  413 

Washington  would  have  welcomed  the  main 
attack.  During  the  day  his  works  were 
strengthened  and  his  men  reinforced.  Or 
chards  had  been  cut  down  to  serve  as  abattis, 
and  barrels  of  earth  were  ready  to  roll  down 
upon  the  British.  The  men  were  confident ; 
they  were  commanded  by  Thomas,  one  of  the 
best  of  the  brigadiers,  and  Washington  was 
there  in  person  with  a  reminder  that  put 
courage  into  the  breast  of  every  American. 
For  the  day  which  he  had  chosen  to  decide 
the  fate  of  Boston  was  the  fifth  of  March, 
the  anniversary  of  the  Massacre. 

Besides  all  this,  Washington  had  another 
weapon  in  reserve.  In  the  Charles  River, 
out  of  sight  of  Boston,  were  his  two  floating 
batteries  and  his  bateaux  filled  with  soldiers. 
They  were  under  Putnam,  Sullivan,  and 
Greene ;  and  at  a  given  signal,  if  Washington 
deemed  the  opportunity  good,  they  were  to 
cross  the  Back  Bay  and  attack  the  town.  — 
Truly  the  preparations  were  for  such  fighting 
as  had  never  been  seen  in  America. 

But  they  came  to  naught,  for  nature  took 


414  The  Siege  of  Boston 

a  hand  in  the  struggle.  Mercifully,  since 
amid  the  projected  battles  the  town  itself 
might  have  perished  with  its  inhabitants, 
there  sprang  up  a  gale.  "A  Hurrycane," 
wrote  Newell,  "or  terrible  sudden  storm." 
The  violence  of  the  wind  was  such  that  no 
boat  could  live  in  the  channel  between  the 
Castle  and  Dorchester,  two  of  Percy's  trans 
ports  were  driven  ashore,  and  the  attack  was 
postponed.  The  next  day  the  wind  con 
tinued,  accompanied  by  heavy  rain.  The 
Americans  continued  to  labor  on  their  works, 
until  to  every  eye  they  were  impregnable  by 
any  force  that  Howe  might  send  against 
them.  Howe  called  another  council,  and 
asked  it  to  concur  in  his  intention  to  evacuate 
the  town.  There  was  no  other  decision  to 
make,  and  on  the  6th  of  March  l  the  orders 
were  given. 

"Blessed  be  God,"  wrote  Newell,  "our 
redemption  draws  nigh." 

1  Frothingham  says  the  7th.  But  see  the  diaries  of 
Barker  (Atlantic,  39,  553)  and  Newell  (Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Coll.,  I,  Series  4,  272). 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE    EVACUATION 

WASHINGTON,  looking  into  Boston 
from  the  Heights  of  Dorchester,  wit 
nessed  the  confusion  of  the  British 
at  the  discovery  of  his  works,  and  watched 
with  grim  pleasure  the  preparations  made  to 
attack  him.  The  abandonment  of  the  assault 
was  to  him  a  great  disappointment.  He  had 
never  seen  men  more  alert  and  willing  than 
his  soldiers  on  the  Heights.  If  Howe  had 
sent  a  small  force  against  them,  Washing 
ton  felt  confident  of  repulsing  it.  Had  the 
attacking  force  been  so  large  as  to  have  appre 
ciably  weakened  the  army  in  Boston,  Wash 
ington  would  have  delivered  his  counter- 
stroke  by  means  of  the  men  in  boats  under 
command  of  Putnam.  "He  would  have  had 
pretty  easy  work  of  it,"  l  wrote  Washington, 

1  Trevelyan,  in  concluding  that  Washington  disap 
proved  of  this  attack  by  Putnam,  is  apparently  misled 

415 


4i 6  The  Siege  of  Boston 

still  after  nearly  a  month  regretting  the 
issue.  He  wrote  his  brother,  "that  this 
most  remarkable  interposition  of  Providence 
is  for  some  wise  purpose,  I  have  not  a  doubt. 
But  ...  as  no  men  seemed  better  disposed 
to  make  the  appeal  than  ours  did  upon  that 
occasion,  I  can  scarcely  forbear  lamenting  the 
dis  appointment. ' ' 

Washington  lay  for  a  while  inactive  while 
the  enemy  prepared  for  their  departure. 
But  upon  Howe's  shoulders  was  thrown  a 
tremendous  task.  He  had  under  him,  in  the 
army  and  the  fleet,  about  eleven  thousand 
men.1  For  them  he  had  been  gathering  mili 
tary  stores  and  provisions ;  he  had  many 

by  General  Heath's  curious  habit  of  referring  to  himself 
in  his  Memoirs  as  "Our  General."  It  was  Heath  who 
opposed  the  project.  Against  Howe's  flimsy  defences 
on  the  Back  Bay,  if  weakened  of  defenders,  Putnam 
might  well  have  prevailed,  especially  in  a  night  attack. 
They  were,  wrote  Edward  Bangs,  "ill-constructed,  and 
designed  for  little  but  to  frighten  us."  James  Warren, 
who  reported  on  these  works,  found  them  to  be  very 
weak.  See  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  329. 
1  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  311. 


The  Evacuation  417 

horses,  much  artillery,  and  at  least  a  partial 
equipment  for  field  service,  in  preparation  for 
the  spring  campaign.  His  army  had  been  at 
Boston  for  many  months,  some  of  the  regi 
ments  for  nearly  two  years ;  consequently 
there  had  been  a  natural  accumulation  of 
personal  effects,  for  the  convenience  of  the 
officers,  with  their  wives  and  families.  To 
carry  awray  this  army,  its  stores,  and  its 
belongings,  there  was  not  at  hand  enough 
shipping. 

But  the  difficulty  was  greater  than  this, 
for  Howe  had  to  consider  the  Tories  and 
their  families.  Long  before  this,  when  Gage 
was  in  command,  the  ministry  had  written 
that  in  case  of  evacuation  "the  officers  and 
friends  of  government  must  not  be  left  to  the 
rage  and  insult  of  rebels,  who  set  no  bounds 
to  their  barbarity."  Howe's  ships,  there 
fore,  were  to  be  at  the  service  of  the  Tories, 
and  with  full  knowledge  of  the  involved  re 
sults,  he  so  informed  them. 

When  the  realization  of  the  situation  burst 
upon  the  Tories,  they  were,  said  a  contem- 

2E 


4i  8  The  Siege  of  Boston 

porary  letter,  "struck  with  paleness  and 
astonishment."1  "Not  the  last  trump," 
wrote  Washington,  "could  have  struck  them 
with  greater  consternation."  2  Until  the  very 
last,  no  suspicion  of  such  a  result  seems  to 
have  disturbed  them ;  they  had  borne  them 
selves  confidently,  and  had  expected  to  see 
their  enemies  scattered  when  the  new  forces 
should  arrive.  Among  their  Whig  brethren 
they  had  been  very  high-handed.  "The  select 
men  say,"  wrote  Eldad  Taylor,  who  must 
have  been  at  Watertown  when  the  selectmen 
arrived  there  with  the  news  of  the  evacua 
tion,  "that  the  Tories  were  the  most  dreadful 
of  any,  that  all  the  sufferings  of  the  poor  for 
the  want  of  provisions  and  the  necessaries  of 
life,  were  not  equal  to  the  dreadful  scorn, 
derision,  and  contempt  from  them." 

Upon  the  Tories  was  now  put  the  hard 
decision,  whether  to  go  or  stay.  In  order  to 
decide,  they  needed  to  know  what  the  Whigs 

1  Eldad  Taylor  to  his  wife,  Watertown,  March  18, 
1776. 

2  "Writings,"  iii,  343. 


The  Evacuation  419 

would  do  to  them ;  and  to  know  that,  they 
had  but  to  consider  what  they  would  do  to 
the  Whigs  in  similar  case.  In  their  own 
prison  languished  the  Whig  Lovell.  They 
thought  of  the  Whig  prisons  which  might  be 
waiting  for  them,  and  they  decided  to  go. 

It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  the  decision 
was,  under  the  circumstances,  wise.  The 
loyalists  were  right  in  supposing  that  the 
treatment  which  they  would  have  meted  to 
the  Whigs,  the  Whigs  would  mete  to  them. 
For  the  country  was  inflamed  against  the 
Tories  ;  Washington  himself  shared  the  sen 
timent  against  them.  Much  as  we  may 
regret  this  feeling,  we  must  remember  that  it 
was  natural  to  the  age.  Kind  treatment  to 
an  opponent  in  civil  war  was  not  yet  gen 
erally  practised ;  it  was  Lincoln  who  made 
the  lesson  acceptable  to  mankind. 

Practically  all  of  the  Tories,  therefore, 
made  up  their  minds  to  go.  Some  few,  in 
deed,  remained  behind,  counting  upon  their 
humble  station,  or  inoffensiveness.  No  harsh 
treatment  of  them  is  recorded.  The  one 


420  The  Siege  of  Boston 

prominent  Tory  who  remained,  Mather  Byles 
the  minister,  soon  weathered  the  storm  that 
rose  against  him.  The  remaining  loyalists, 
who  planned  to  depart,  were  some  eleven 
hundred  in  number.  It  was  necessary  that 
they  should  be  accommodated  in  the  ships, 
necessary  also  that  they  should  take  with 
them  such  of  their  valuables  as  were  easily 
portable.  Howe  gave  orders  that  room  be 
made  for  them,  and  the  orders  were  unselfishly 
obeyed  by  the  army  and  navy. 

But  the  haste,  the  disorder,  even  the  tu 
mult,  in  the  days  immediately  following  the 
order  to  depart,  were  extreme.  Each  regi 
ment  had  to  be  assigned  its  transports,  each 
Tory  to  find  space  for  himself  and  his  family, 
and  if  possible  his  goods.  There  was  sorting 
of  effects,  bundling  up  of  valuables,  and 
strenuous  efforts  to  get  all  in  safety  before 
Washington  should  bombard.  Diarists  agree 
in  the  concise  terms  with  which  they  describe 
the  town.  Says  Newell  for  the  8th:  "The 
town  all  hurry  and  commotion,  the  troops 
with  the  Refugees  and  Tories  all  embarking." 


The  Evacuation  421 

For  the  9th  he  adds  :  "D°.  D°.  D°."  And  for 
the  loth  writes  Lieutenant  Barker  :  " Nothing 
but  hurry  and  confusion." 

In  the  meantime  the  Americans  at  Dor 
chester  strengthened  their  works,  and  fortified 
one  more  eminence,  which  commanded  the 
channel.  Washington  did  not  wish  to  cannon 
ade  the  British,  for  if  not  attacked  he  saw 
no  advantage  in  attacking,  lest  the  town 
should  be  set  on  fire  and  burned.  He  there 
fore  bided  his  time.  All  his  action  until  now, 
he  wrote  Hancock,  was  but  preparatory  to 
taking  post  on  Nook's  Hill,  a  low  promontory 
which  ran  so  far  out  upon  Dorchester  flats 
that  from  its  top  cannon  could  enfilade  the 
British  lines  at  the  Neck,  and  could  com 
mand  almost  any  part  of  Boston.  An  attempt 
to  fortify  it  upon  the  night  of  the  9th  was 
betrayed  by  the  folly  of  the  men,  who  kindled 
a  fire  and  were  dispersed  by  British  cannon. 
But  by  this  Washington  was  not  disturbed. 
He  was  willing  that  Howe  should  delay  for  a 
while,  if  the  delay  were  not  too  long.  He 
himself  had  reasons  for  waiting,  since  he 


422  The  Siege  of  Boston 

reasoned  that  the  British  would,  on  depart 
ing,  attempt  to  seize  New  York,  and  he 
wanted  time  to  prepare  and  despatch  a  force 
to  hold  that  place.  So  he  watched  the 
British  army,  sent  a  regiment  of  riflemen  to 
strengthen  New  York,  and  made  ready  five 
other  regiments  to  depart  as  soon  as  the 
British  fleet  should  leave  the  harbor. 

But  at  this  time  the  inhabitants  of  Boston 
were  very  uncertain  of  their  own  fate.  Noth 
ing  was  more  natural  than  that  Washington 
should  attack,  or  that  the  exasperated  British 
should  on  departing,  even  if  unassailed,  set 
fire  to  the  wooden  town.  The  selectmen,  as 
spokesmen  for  the  inhabitants,  therefore  in 
quired  of  Howe  what  his  intentions  were. 
Howe  wrote  in  reply  that  he  had  no  in 
tention  of  destroying  the  town,  if  he  were 
unmolested.  This  reply  the  selectmen  sent 
in  haste  to  Washington,  begging  for  a  similar 
assurance.  Washington  was  not  willing  to 
bind  himself,  and  returned  answer  that  as 
Howe's  note  was  "unauthenticated,  and  ad 
dressed  to  nobody,"  he  could  take  no  notice 


The  Evacuation  423 

of    it.     Nevertheless,    since    no    threat    was 
made,  the  Bostonians  felt  more  at  ease.1 

All  this  time  the  wind  was  contrary,  and 
the  troops  unable  to  set  sail.  They  there 
fore  remained  in  their  quarters,  while  com 
pleting  their  preparations  for  departure.  As 
the  days  passed  Howe  began  to  destroy 
what  he  could  not  take  with  him,  and  to 
seize  what  would  be  of  advantage  to  the 
rebels.  His  troops  spiked  cannon,  burned 
artillery  and  transport  wagons,  or  else  threw 
them  into  the  harbor,  and  ruined  bulky 
stores.  What  he  did  deliberately,  his  men 
increased  through  malice.  The  I3th  seems 
to  have  been  the  worst  day  of  this  period. 
"The  Inhabitants,"  wrote  Newell,  "in  the 
utmost  distress,  thro'  fear  of  the  Town  being 
destroyed  by  the  Soldiers,  a  party  of  New 
York  Carpenters  with  axes  going  thro'  the 
town  breaking  open  houses,  &c.  Soldiers 
and  sailors  plundering  of  houses,  shops,  ware 
houses  —  Sugar  and  salt  &c.  thrown  into  the 

1  For  this  correspondence,  see  NewelPs  "  Diary,"  or 
"Washington's  Writings,"  iii,  531-533. 


424  The  Siege  of  Boston 

River,  which  was  greatly  covered  with  hogs 
heads,  barrels  of  flour,  house  furniture,  carts, 
trucks  &c.  &c.  —  One  Person  suffered  jour 
thousand  pounds  sterling,  by  his  shipping  being 
cut  to  pieces  &c.  —  Another  five  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  in  salt  wantonly  thrown  into 
the  river."  No  wonder  that  the  sturdy  old 
selectman  thought  these  to  be  "very  dis 
tressed  times." 

Howe's  agent  in  the  work  of  plundering 
was  that  Crean  Brush  who  had  offered  to 
police  the  western  part  of  Massachusetts  with 
three  hundred  men.  Him  the  general  di 
rected  to  receive  all  linen  and  woollen  goods 
which  were  on  sale,  and  to  take  those  which 
were  not  delivered,  giving  certificates  for  the 
same.  There  is  on  file  the  petition  of  one 
Jackson,  begging  for  payment  for  goods 
taken  from  him.  Brush  interpreted  his  com 
mission  very  freely,  and  it  was  suspected 
that  he  was  plundering  on  his  own  account. 
Every  soldier  or  sailor  who  could  give  his 
officer  the  slip  was  doing  the  same,  in  spite  of 
Howe's  honest  efforts  to  stop  the  plundering. 


The  Evacuation  425 

There  was  a  little  genteel  thievery  as  well. 
Some  of  the  Tories  had  unfairly  secured  more 
than  their  share  of  room  on  shipboard,  and 
found  this  the  chance  to  take  their  pick  of 
the  furniture  of  their  Whig  relatives.  "Wat," 
wrote  John  Andrews  to  his  brother-in-law  in 
Philadelphia,  "has  stripped  your  uncle's 
house  of  everything  he  could  conveniently 
carry  off.  .  .  .  He  has  left  all  the  looking 
glasses  and  window  curtains,  with  some 
tables  and  most  of  the  chairs  ;  only  two  bed 
steads  and  one  bed,  without  any  bedding  or 
sheets,  or  even  a  rag  of  linnen  of  any  kind. 
Some  of  the  china  and  the  principal  part  of 
the  pewter  is  the  sum  of  what  he  has  left, 
save  the  Library,  which  was  packed  up 
corded  to  ship,  but  your  uncle  Jerry  and  Mr. 
Austin  went  to  him  and  absolutely  forbid  it, 
upon  his  peril." 

Another  library  did  not  fare  so  well.  At 
this  time  disappeared  that  part  of  the  Prince 
collection  which  had  not  been  used  for  kind 
ling  the  fires  in  the  Old  South.  With  it  van 
ished  the  Bradford  manuscript  history  of 


426  The  Siege  of  Boston 

the  Plymouth  plantation,  which  a  later  gen 
eration  freely  returned. 

While  the  Tories  were  so  carefully  looking 
to  the  future,  the  Whigs  were  obliged  to  guard 
what  they  could.  Newell  covers  too  many 
incidents  with  etceteras,  but  John  Andrews 
who,  as  soon  as  the  siege  was  lifted,  was  free 
to  begin  again  his  correspondence,  speaks 
clearly  of  his  difficulties.  Through  the  siege 
he  had  had  the  care  of  six  houses  with  their 
furniture,  and  as  many  stores  filled  with  goods  ; 
but  now  he  underwent  more  fatigue  and 
perplexity  than  for  the  past  eleven  months, 
for  "I  was  obliged,"  he  says,  "to  take  my 
rounds  all  day,  without  any  cessation,  and 
scarce  ever  fail'd  of  finding^  depredations 
made  upon  some  one  or  other  of  them,  that 
I  was  finally  necessitated  to  procure  men  at 
the  extravagant  rate  of  two  dollars  a  day  to 
sleep  in  the  several  houses  and  stores  for  a 
fortnight1  before  the  military  plunderers  went 
off  —  for  so  sure  as  they  were  left  alone  one 
night,  so  sure  they  were  plundered."  Later 

1  It  cannot  have  been  more  than  eleven  days. 


The  Evacuation  427 

he  was  obliged  to  pay  at  the  rate  of  a  dollar 
an  hour  for  hands  to  assist  him  in  moving ; 
but  "such  was  the  demand  for  laborers,  that 
they  were  taken  from  me,  even  at  that,  by 
the  tories  who  bid  over  me." 

So,  while  the  wind  continued  contrary,  the 
plundering  and  the  destruction  continued. 
Before  long  the  seashore  dwellers  might  do 
their  share  of  rescue,  as  the  articles  which 
were  thrown  into  the  harbor — "mahogany 
chairs,  tables,  etc.,"  records  Abigail  Adams 
-  were  cast  up  on  the  beaches.  But  one  by 
one  the  transports  filled  and  dropped  down 
the  harbor,  until  at  last  Washington  grew  im 
patient,  and  on  the  night  of  the  i6th  made  his 
last  move.  Though  the  British,  aware  of  the 
attempt,  fired  with  their  remaining  guns  all 
night  at  Nook's  Hill,  the  Americans  doggedly 
entrenched  without  returning  a  shot,  and  in 
the  morning  showed  a  finished  redoubt.  It 
was,  as  Trevelyan  well  says,  Washington's 
notice  to  quit. 

Howe  meekly  accepted  it.  "At  4  o'clock 
in  the  Morn.,"  writes  Lieutenant  Barker, 


428  The  Siege  of  Boston 

"the  troops  got  under  arms,  at  5  they  began 
to  move,  and  by  about  8  or  9  were  all  em 
barked,  the  rear  being  covered  by  the  Grena 
diers  and  Light  Infantry."  The  ships  sailed 
down  the  channel,  no  shot  was  fired  from 
the  American  batteries,  and  in  return  the 
Fozvey,  the  last  of  the  fleet,  which  Howe  had 
threatened  should  fire  the  town  before  she 
departed,  carried  away  with  her  her  "carcases 
and  combustibles,"  and  Boston  stood  free 
and  unharmed. 

In  half  an  hour  the  Americans  were  in 
possession.  From  Roxbury  a  company  of 
five  hundred,  picked  for  the  service  because 
they  had  had  the  smallpox,  entered  the 
British  lines,  and  manned  the  fortifications 
which  looked  toward  the  harbor.  In  the 
redoubt  at  Bunker  Hill  sentries  appeared 
to  be  still  doing  their  duty ;  but  two  men  who 
were  sent  to  reconnoitre  found  them  to  be 
dummies,  and  signalled  their  companions  to 
follow  them.  General  Putnam  was  given 
command  of  the  town,  from  entering  which 
the  army  in  general,  and  all  civilians,  were 


The  Evacuation  429 

prohibited  until  it  was  ascertained  whether 
there  was  danger  of  smallpox. 

Washington's  other  measures  were  decisive. 
He  directed  Manly,  admiral  of  his  little 
squadron,  to  follow  the  British  fleet  and  cut 
off  as  many  vessels  as  possible.  One  result 
of  this  order  gave  the  greatest  satisfaction. 
"The  brave  Captain  Manly,"  wrote  Andrews, 
"has  taken  the  Brig  that  contained  that 
cursed  villain,  Crean  Brush,  with  great  part  of 
the  plunder  he  rob'd  the  stores  of  here,  that 
I  immagine  she  must  be  the  richest  vessell 
in  the  fleet."  Other  ships  were  either  simi 
larly  taken,  or  were  forced  to  put  ashore 
from  lack  of  provision  or  of  preparation. 

Another  of  Washington's  moves  was  to 
despatch  his  five  regiments  to  New  York. 
They  went  by  way  of  Norwich,  Connecticut, 
and  from  there,  to  save  fatigue  and  time, 
were  taken  by  water  to  the  city.  They  arrived 
fresh  and  ready  for  the  expected  struggle, 
but  though  they  watched  long  for  the  British 
fleet,  it  did  not  come. 

Washington's  third   action  was   to   defend 


43°  The  Siege  of  Boston 

Boston  against  a  possible  return  of  the  Brit 
ish.  The  "lines"  at  Boston  and  Charlestown 
necks  were  demolished,  and  on  the  day  after 
the  evacuation  Putnam  and  his  men  were 
at  work  building  on  Fort  Hill  a  redoubt  to 
command  the  harbor.  With  this  and  the 
Dorchester  batteries  the  Bostonians  might 
have  been  satisfied,  but  within  a  month  they 
began  fortifying  Noddle's  Island  against  any 
possible  attempt  by  sea. 

In  all  these  precautions  the  Americans 
were  hastened  by  the  fact  that  the  British, 
though  they  had  left  the  upper  harbor,  were 
still  in  the  lower,  lying  off  Nantasket.  "From 
Penn's  Hill,"  wrote  Abigail  Adams  to  her 
husband,  "we  have  a  view  of  the  largest 
fleet  ever  seen  in  America.  You  may  count 
upwards  of  a  hundred  and  seventy  sail.  They 
look  like  a  forest."  Their  stay  greatly  puz 
zled  Washington  :  "  what  they  are  doing," 
he  wrote,  "the  Lord  knows."  He  was 
troubled  as  well.  The  ten  regiments  of  militia, 
which  had  strengthened  his  army  since  the 
first  of  February,  had  promised  to  remain 


The  Evacuation  431 

only  until  the  first  of  April,  and  he  knew 
that  it  was  "as  practical  to  stop  a  torrent,  as 
these  people,  when  their  time  is  up."  He 
therefore  feared  lest  the  British,  by  striking 
with  all  their  force  upon  his  rear,  might  do 
him  great  injury. 

This  was  not  the  first  time  that  Washing 
ton,  reasoning  according  to  his  own  nature, 
expected  from  Howe  that  vigorous  action 
which  the  British  general  was  unable  to  per 
form.  Howe,  humiliated  as  he  must  have 
felt  at  receiving,  while  his  vessel  passed  down 
the  harbor,  a  despatch  from  the  ministry 
applauding  his  decision  not  to  evacuate  the 
town,  had  no  thought  of  revenge.  He  blew 
up  the  fortifications  at  the  Castle,  and  pre 
pared  to  destroy  the  lighthouse,  but  his  pur 
poses  in  remaining  were  to  fit  his  fleet  for 
sea,  and  to  warn  those  British  vessels  which 
were  bound  for  Boston.  Nor  had  he  the 
slightest  intention  of  seizing  New  York. 
The  statements  which  had  come  to  Washing 
ton's  ears,  that  Howe's  destination  was  Hali 
fax,  in  spite  of  the  American's  incredulity, 


432  The  Siege  of  Boston 

were  correct.  On  the  27th  of  March,  ten 
days  after  the  evacuation.,  the  greater  part 
of  Howe's  fleet  weighed  anchor,  and  sailed 
away  for  Halifax.  His  army  felt  its  shame. 
"I  do  not  know  the  thing  so  desperate," 
wrote  an  officer,  "I  would  not  undertake, 
in  order  to  change  our  situation."1  But  in 
spite  of  the  chagrin  in  the  hearts  of  his  soldiers, 
and  the  despair  in  the  breasts  of  the  Tories, 
few  of  them  ever  looked  upon  Boston  again. 

Before  this  time  it  had  been  ascertained 
that  Boston  was  in  no  serious  danger  from 
smallpox,  and  on  the  2Oth  the  main  body 
of  the  army  marched  into  Boston.  It  was 
an  occasion  of  great  happiness  to  the  inhab 
itants,  and  they  "manifested  a  lively  joy." 
Two  days  later  the  town  was  thrown  open 
to  all  comers,  and  once  more,  as  before  the 
Port  Bill,  entrance  by  land  or  ferry  was  free. 

The  town  was  speedily  examined  in  all 
particulars,  and  those  who  had  suffered  by 
the  siege  were  encouraged  to  bring  in  claims 
for  damages.  It  was  found  that,  except 

1  Frothingham's  "Siege,"  310. 


The  Evacuation  433 

for  the  absolute  destruction  of  buildings  for 
fuel,  the  injury  to  houses  was  inconsider 
able.  Where  the  common  soldiers  had  lived, 
interiors  were  defaced ;  yet  externally  the 
houses  of  the  town  looked  much  as  they  had 
before  the  siege.  Where  the  officers  had 
lived,  the  dwellings  had  suffered  little,  and 
even  the  homes  of  the  prominent  Whigs  had 
not  been  injured.  Abigail  Adams  wrote  to 
her  husband  that  their  house  was  "very 
dirty,  but  no  other  damage  has  been  done  to 
it."  She  looked  upon  it  as  a  new  acquisition 
of  property.  Washington  took  pains  to  write 
Hancock,  who  had  been  so  ready  to  sacrifice  his 
belongings  to  the  cause  of  the  country,  that 
his  house,  and  even  his  furniture  and  pictures, 
had  received  no  damage  worth  mentioning. 

To  the  immense  satisfaction  of  all  Whigs, 
many  military  stores  were  found  in  the  town. 
Most  important  were  more  than  two  hun 
dred  pieces  of  ordnance,  the  larger  part  of 
which,  though  spiked,  could  soon  be  put  into 
serviceable  condition.  Balls  and  shells  for 
the  cannon  and  mortars  were  found ;  pro- 

2F 


434 


The  Siege  of  Boston 


visions,  horses  and  their  provender,  medi 
cines  in  quantity,  and  many  other  articles 
were  discovered,  amounting  in  value  to  nearly 

forty  thousand 
pounds.  The 
booty  of  Brush 
of  course  swelled 
this  amount. 

The  Whigs 
now  might  see 
their  friends 
again,  and  for  a 
short  time  en- 

GOLD  MEDAL  COMMEMORATING  WASHINGTON'S     joyed  military 
VICTORY 

society  of  a  new 

sort.  John  Andrews  reports  "nothing  but  a 
continual  round  of  company."  "Last  week," 
he  recorded,  "I  had  the  honor  of  General 
Washington  with  his  lady,  General  Gates, 
Mr.  Gustos  and  Lady,  with  aid  de  Camps, 
&ca,  to  dine  with  me."  It  was  an  occasion 
of  which  he  boasted  to  his  dying  day.  In  the 
town,  now  flooded  with  provision,  there  were 
many  eager  to  feast  Washington. 


The  Evacuation  435 

But  he  did  not  tarry  long.  While  Howe 
and  his  fleet  were  in  the  bay,  he  kept  his  men 
at  work  demolishing  the  British  defences 
against  the  land,  and  strengthening  the  forts 
which  looked  seaward,  and  he  was  continually 
on  his  guard  against  the  blow  which  Howe 
might  deliver.  But  when  the  British  had 
sailed  away  to  the  north-east,  Washington 
himself,  on  the  4th  of  April,  set  off  for  New 
York. 

Howe  had  nevertheless  left  vessels  at  Nan- 
tasket  Roads,  to  intercept  the  troop-ships 
and  stores  which  were  on  their  way  to  him. 
In  this  he  was  partly  successful,  for  seven 
ship-loads  of  Highlanders  were  by  this  means 
saved  from  Yankee  prisons.  But  even  while 
the  evacuation  was  in  progress  British  vessels 
were  captured  in  the  harbor,  and  now  in 
sight  of  the  squadron  and  its  Highlanders 
was  taken  the  richest  store-ship  that  had 
yet  fallen  into  American  hands.  There  was 
a  brisk  fight,  also,  between  an  American 
schooner,  aground  on  Shirley  Point,  and 
thirteen  boat-loads  of  men  from  the  war- 


436  The  Siege  of  Boston 

ships.  The  boats  were  beaten  off,  but  the 
British  had  accomplished  the  death  of  the 
captain  of  the  schooner,  America's  first  naval 
hero,  Mugford  of  Marblehead. 

At  length  a  determined  effort  was  made 
to  drive  away  the  squadron.  The  militia 
was  called  out,  and  artillery  was  carried  to 
islands  down  the  harbor.  There  was  a  brief 
cannonade  between  the  Americans  and  the 
fleet.  Then  the  British  commander,  find 
ing  his  anchorage  no  longer  safe,  blew  up 
the  lighthouse  and  followed  Howe  to  Halifax. 
This  was  on  the  second  anniversary  of  the 
enforcement  of  the  Port  Bill.  Two  days 
later  the  remainder  of  the  Highlanders,  un 
suspiciously  entering  the  harbor,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Americans.1 

The  British  resentment  aroused  by  this 
last  mischance  was  mild  compared  with  the 
general  indignation  which  burst  on  Howe's 

1  See  concerning  these  men  and  their  commander  the 
interesting  monograph  by  Charles  H.  Walcott:  "Sir 
Archibald  Campbell  of  Inverneil,  sometime  Prisoner  of 
War  in  the  Jail  at  Concord,  Massachusetts."  Privately 
printed. 


The  Evacuation  437 

head  at  his  conduct  of  the  defence  of  Boston, 
and  his  hurried  evacuation.  The  ministry 
announced  the  departure  from  Boston  in 
the  briefest  fashion,  but  were  forced  to  ex 
plain  and  excuse  it  in  both  the  Commons  and 
the  Lords.  "The  General  thought  proper 
to  shift  his  position,"  explained  the  Earl  of 
Suffolk  to  the  Lords,  "in  order,  in  the  first 
place,  to  protect  Halifax."1  But  the  defence 
was  riddled,  Howe's  general  weakness  was 
exposed,  his  neglect  to  fortify  Dorchester 
was  pointed  out,  and  the  English  Whigs 
acutely  reasoned  that  he  must  have  had  a 
virtual  agreement  with  Washington  to  pur 
chase  the  safety  of  the  fleet  and  army  at  the 
price  of  immunity  to  the  town.  Newspapers 
and  pamphleteers  took  up  the  subject,  and 
Howe  was  eventually  forced  to  ask  for  an 
inquiry  into  his  conduct  of  the  siege.  To 
his  dying  day  he  was  severely  criticised  for 
his  generalship  in  America,  and  especially  at 
Boston. 

Of  the  other  British  military  leaders,   not 

1  "The  Writings  of  Washington,"  iii,  531. 


438  The  Siege  of  Boston 

one  was  successful.  Gage  was  never  again 
given  a  command.  Burgoyne  returned  to 
Boston  only  as  a  prisoner.  Clinton  for  a 
time  commanded  in  America,  but  he  was 
recalled. 

As  for  the  master  whom  these  generals 
served,  the  king  who  was  the  cause  of  the 
war,  his  failure  was  complete.  George  III  lost 
not  only  his  revolted  colonies,  but  also  the 
dearer  prize  for  which  he  fought,  personal 
government.  When  at  last  peace  was  signed, 
the  Americans  had  gained  independence,  and 
the  English  people  had  finally  established  the 
supremacy  of  Parliament.  The  king  might 
reign,  but  he  could  no  longer  govern. 

The  fate  of  the  Tories  cannot  detain  us 
long,  painful  as  it  was.  Some  few  returned 
to  America  after  the  war,  and  made  again 
places  for  themselves.  Among  these  was 
Judge  Curwen.  Some  went  to  England,  where 
they  were  out  of  their  element.  Dependent 
for  the  most  part  on  the  bounty  of  the  crown, 
they  lived  in  hope  of  a  change  of  fortune. 
They  longed  for  their  homes,  and  sickened 


The  Evacuation  439 

for  a  sight  of  the  New  England  country,  to 
them  the  most  beautiful  on  earth.  Many  of 
them  were  too  old  to  begin  life  anew  :  by  the 
end  of  the  war  it  was  recorded  that,  of  the 
Massachusetts  Tory  leaders,  forty-five  died 
in  England.  One  of  these  was  Hutchinson, 
upon  whose  life  the  best  comment  is  the  con 
cluding  sentence  of  Sabine's  brief  biography : 
"I  forget,  in  his  melancholy  end,  all  else." 

But  numbers  of  the  Tories  remained  in 
Canada.  Doubtless  many  were  discouraged 
from  going  to  England  by  the  reports  of 
the  condition  of  those  already  there.  "As 
to  your  coming  here,"  wrote  Governor  Went- 
worth  from  London  to  a  friend  in  New  Bruns 
wick,  "or  any  other  Loyalist  that  can  get 
clams  and  potatoes  in  America,  they  would 
most  certainly  regret  making  bad  worse."1 
On  such  advice  as  this  many,  indeed  most, 
of  the  refugees  remained  in  Canada,  and  after 
the  war,  in  which  many  of  them  fought, 
were  of  great  service  in  building  up  that 
country.  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Brunswick 

1  Sabine's  "Loyalists,"  217. 


44°  The  Siege  of  Boston 

received  the  larger  number  of  them ;  they 
became  leaders  of  the  bar,  judges,  physicians, 
prominent  office-holders.  It  is  not  to  be 
denied  that  among  them  were  suffering  and 
misery ;  they  had  lost  much  and  had  to  begin 
again  from  the  bottom,  and  many  succumbed 
to  the  difficulties  of  the  new  life.  After  the 
war  attempt  was  made  to  gain  from  the 
United  States  compensation  for  their  losses ; 
but  the  new  country  was  unable  even  to 
recompense  those  who  had  suffered  in  its  cause. 
The  loyalists  therefore  looked  to  Britain  for 
help,  and  in  some  measure  found  it,  in  pensions, 
grants  of  money,  and  holdings  of  land. 
)  There  is  much  to  regret  in  this  emigration, 
which  took  from  New  England  such  numbers 
of  men  and  women  of  good  blood  and  gentle 
breeding.  For  the  Tories  were  largely  of 
the  better  class,  many  of  them  had  been  edu 
cated  at  Harvard,  and  they  represented  an 
element  which  no  community  can  afford  to 
lose.  Some  of  the  difficulties  of  the  new 
commonwealths  were  due  to  the  loss  of  the 
conservative  balance-wheel ;  some  further 


The  Evacuation  441 

troubles  beset  them  from  the  bitterness  of 
feeling  in  the  new  colonists  across  the  border. 
This  has  now  died  away,  but  boundary  and 
fisheries  disputes  long  brought  out  the  hos 
tility  latent  in  the  descendants  of  the  Tories. 

So  much  for  the  losers  in  the  fight. 
Of  the  winners,  no  American  needs  to  be 
more  than  reminded  of  their  fame  and  their 
successes.  At  the  siege  Washington  made  his 
first  claim  to  fame.  He  proved  his  tenacity, 
his  mastery  of  men,  and  the  greatness  of  his 
resolution  and  daring.  Some  of  his  gen 
erals  followed  him  in  his  success,  some  were 
failures.  Lee  attempted  treachery,  but  was 
finally  discarded  by  both  sides.  Gates  en 
deavored  to  displace  Washington,  but  ruined 
himself  in  the  attempt.  But  most  of  Wash 
ington's  other  generals  were  able  men.  Greene 
proved  himself  to  be  a  military  genius  second 
only  to  Washington.  Knox,  the  sole  Bos- 
tonian  on  Washington's  staff,  commanded 
the  artillery  throughout  the  war. 

Of  the  chief  Boston  politicians,  all  ended 
their  days  honorably.  Soon  after  the  evacua- 


442  The  Siege  of  Boston 

tion  the  body  of  Warren  was  sought  for 
among  the  dead  buried  on  Bunker  Hill.  It 
was  found,  identified,  and  entombed  at  Boston 
with  solemn  mourning.  Hancock  presently 
signed  his  name  on  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  so  large  that  King  George  could 
read  it  without  his  spectacles.  The  Boston 
merchant  served  the  Continental  Congress 
for  another  year  as  its  president ;  then  re 
turning  to  Boston  he  became  "King"  Han 
cock,  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  practi 
cally  for  life.  John  Adams  passed  to  greater 
usefulness  as  envoy  to  France,  first  minister 
to  Great  Britain,  and  finally  as  Washington's 
successor  as  President.  But  to  a  student  of 
Boston  itself  the  mind  dwells  most  willingly 
on  Samuel  Adams,  "the  man  of  the  town 
meeting,"  who  roused  the  rebellion,  guided  it 
skilfully,  served  usefully  in  many  public  capaci 
ties,  and  became  governor  after  Hancock's 
death.  His  statue  stands  to-day  in  the  square 
named  after  him,  not  far  from  the  Old  South 
and  the  old  Town  House,  and  within  sight 
of  Faneuil  Hall. 


The  Evacuation  443 

But  we  trespass  beyond  the  period  of 
this  history.  When  Howe  sailed  away,  Bos 
ton's  share  in  the  Revolution  was  practically 
ended.  No  attempt  wras  made  to  retake  the 
town,  for  there  could  be  no  profit  in  gaining 
what  could  not  be  held.  In  the  remaining 
years  of  the  war  the  town  had  no  more  serious 
duty  than  fitting  out  ships  of  war  and  priva 
teers,  and  of  entertaining  the  officers  of  the 
French  fleet.  But  Boston  had  earned  its 
rest.  For  nearly  sixteen  years  the  town  had 
stood  as  the  spokesman  for  liberty,  the 
leader  of  revolt.  In  bringing  the  country 
safely  through  a  critical  period,  the  services 
of  Boston  were  essential. 


INDEX 


Adams,  John.  57.  65.  Quoted,  67- 
69.  103.  104-105.  Elected  to 
Continental  Congress,  in.  Re 
fuses  to  support  the  king,  1 1 2 .  126. 
297-299.  His  house,  433.  442. 

Adams,  Samuel.  37.  His  earlier 
career,  46-50.  Independence  his 
object,  55-57.  After  the  Mas 
sacre,  67-70.  Sam  Adams  regi 
ments,  70.  74.  78-103.  Attempt 
to  bribe  him,  106-107.  no-  Tricks 
the  Governor  at  Salem,  in.  Dem 
onstration  of  respect  for,  114-115. 
Goes  to  the  Continental  Congress, 
116.  138.  Returns  to  Boston, 
140.  155.  158.  178.  183.  187. 
189.  251.  291.  294.  298.  442. 

Andrews,  John.  82.  91.  95.  97. 
101.  102  and  note.  107.  114. 
124.  147.  158.  224.  226.  231- 
232.  394.  425.  434. 

Andros.    Seizing  of,  8.    70. 

Arnold,  Benedict.    218.    247.     362. 

Barker,  Lieut.,  Quotations  from 
Diary.  148-150.  157.  184.  186. 
192.  195.  196.  212-213.  228. 
246.  249-250.  252.  254.  274. 
268.  412.  421.  427. 

Bernard,  Francis.  Arrives  as  gov 
ernor,  23.  Cowardice  of,  51.  53. 
54-  66. 

Berniere,  Ensign  de.  His  expeditions 
to  map  the  roads,  162  ff.  196. 
203.  207.  215. 

Boston,  The  Town  of.  Proposition 
to  make  Boston  a  city,  14.  Det 
estation  of  mobs,  37.  Non-im 
portation  resolve,  46.  Stamp  Act 


mob,  34-36;  Discussed,  37.  Not 
riotous,  51.  Customs  riot,  53. 
Tea-party  town  meetings,  79,  81. 
Whigs,  four  classes  of,  92-96, 
Port  Bill  enforced,  98.  Measures 
of  relief,  100.  Refusal  of  town  to 
pay  for  tea,  no.  The  selectmen's 
answer  to  Gage,  113-114.  State 
of,  1 20-i  21.  Geography  of,  126- 
127.  After  Powder  Alarm,  131. 
Ignores  Gage,  134.  Situation  in, 
147.  Troubles  with  the  troops, 
148-150.  Growing  intensity,  158- 
160.  The  Whig  watch  upon  Gage, 
176  ff.  The  1 9th  of  April  in,  206; 
210-212.  The  Siege  begins,  214. 
The  agreement  with  Gage  to  give 
up  arms,  224.  Inhabitants  leav 
ing,  225;  prevented,  226-227.  For 
tifications,  234-236.  Evacuated, 
428  ff.  Boston's  service  to  the 
Revolution,  443. 

Brush,  Crean.    405.    424.    429.    434. 

Bunker  Hill.  219.  253-255.  Battle 
of,  256  ff.  British  redoubt  on, 
336,358.  353-  428. 

Burgoyne,  Sir  John.  141-142.  Ar 
rives  at  Boston;  "Elbow-room," 
239.  His  opinion  of  the  situa 
tion,  240.  Writes  proclamation 
for  Gage,  250-251.  253.  Descrip 
tion  of  Bunker  Hill,  271,  note. 
Writes  Gage's  letter  to  Washing 
ton,  3 1 2-3 1 3 .  Correspondence  with 
Lee,  314  ff.  Opinion  of  the  situa 
tion  after  Bunker  Hill,  332-333. 
334.  Opinion  of  the  Admiral,  339- 
340.  Makes  Old  South  a  riding- 
school,  399;  and  Faneuil  Hall  a 


445 


446 


Index 


theatre,  400.     Sails  for  home,  401. 
Returns  as  a  captive,   402.     438. 
Byles,  Mather.    93.    420. 

Cambridge.  The  Powder  Alarm 
gathering,  123-124.  Ward's  head 
quarters,  216.  Washington's  head 
quarters,  374. 

Castle,  The;  or  Castle  William.  58. 
67.  70.  122.  431. 

Charlestown.  Strategic  importance 
of  its  hills,  127.  Regulars  encamp 
at,  210-220,  252.  253-254.  Battle 
of  Bunker  Hill,  256  8.  Set  on  fire, 
270.  Further  destruction  of,  for 
fuel,  397,  400. 

Charter,  The,  of  Massachusetts. 
Original  grant  by  Charles  I,  5.  Of 
William,  o-n.  86.  Laws  practi 
cally  abrogating  the  Charter,  88- 
89. 

Chatham,  Earl  of.  Pitt  takes  title, 
41.  Illness,  41.  146. 

Church,  Dr.  Benjamin.  A  trusted 
patriot  leader,  176.  Enters  Bos 
ton,  223.  The  first  American 
traitor,  224.  Treason  discovered, 
327  ff. 

Clinton,  Sir  Henry.  141.  Arrives 
at  Boston,  239.  260.  257,  note. 
438. 

Cobble  Hill.    360.    378.    406. 

Common,  Troops  encamped  on,  58. 

Concord,  Provincial  Congress  meets 
at,  137.  Berniere's  visit  to,  164. 
Provincial  Congress  meeting  in, 
171.  The  stores  in,  172.  Removal 
begun,  173. 

Concord  Fight.  Nothing  acci 
dental  in  its  occurrence,  173.  The 
militia  gather,  194.  Geography  of 
the  town,  195.  The  British  in, 
195  ff.  The  Fight,  200  ff.  The 
British  retreat,  203.  The  Pursuit, 
204  ff. 

Continental  Congress. 

The  First.     Massachusetts  dele 
gates  elected,  in.      They  depart 


for  Philadelphia,    116.        Resolve 
of  Congress,  139-140. 

The  Second.  188.  291.  Hesi 
tates  before  rebellion,  292. 
"Adopts"  the  army,  298-299. 
Sends  committee  to  Washington, 
364-365.  Is  irregular  and  niggardly 
in  appropriations,  371.  Suggests 
that  Washington  storm  Boston, 
380-381. 

Correspondence,  Committee  of,  74. 
80.  96-97.  no.  Preserve  order 
in  Massachusetts,  132.  . , 

Curwen,  Judge  Samuel.  229-230, 
232.  233.  439. 

Customs,  Officials  of.  Petition  for 
Writs  of  Assistance,  23.  Com 
missioners,  44,  45.  50.  99. 

Dawes,  William.  His  ride  to  Lexing 
ton,  1 80,  1 86.  Starts  for  Concord, 
1 88.  Strategy  to  escape  pursuers, 
189. 

Dorchester.  Strategic  importance  of 
the  Heights,  127,  252.  256.  335. 
Fortified,  406  ff.  415.  Nook's 
Hill,  421,  427. 

Edes,  Peter.    35°-35i-    352.    353. 
Emerson,  Rev.  William.    Views  Con 
cord  Fight,  201.    203.    303.    308. 

Falmouth,  Burning  of.    356-357. 
Faneuil  Hall.     58.     66.     244.     400. 
Flag.     378-379- 

Franklin,  Benjamin.  84-85.  86-87. 
160.  292.  293.  326.  364. 

Gage,  Thomas.  87.  Governor;  his 
temperament,  92.  93.  94.  95.  96. 
103.  108.  109.  Is  tricked  by 
Sam  Adams,  110-112.  113.  Is 
baffled  by  selectmen  of  Boston, 
113-114.  116.  119.  Seizes  the 
Powder,  121-122.  123.  Fortifies 
the  Neck,  126-128.  129.  133.  137. 
138.  Disgusts  the  king,  141.  143. 
His  character,  145.  148.  Sends 


Index 


447 


out  Berniere  to  map  roads,  161  ff. 
Prepares  to  act,  178.  214.  Be 
tween  two  fires,  219-220.  With 
draws  from  Charlestown,  220.  Let 
ter  from  Warren,  221-222.  Agree 
ment  with  the  town,  224.  The 
exodus  checked,  226-227.  He  forti 
fies  Boston,  240.  Tries  to  get  hay, 
247  ff.  Issues  a  proclamation,  251. 
Strategy  of  Bunker  Hill,  258-259. 
260.  335.  Continues  to  fortify, 
336.  Interview  with  Newell,  355. 
Recalled,  355.  Departs  rom  Bos 
ton,  356.  In  retirement,  438. 

Gage,  Mrs.  Thomas.    185.    348. 

George  III.  His  mother's  training, 
12.  His  environment,  15-17.  38. 
73-  74-  75-  84.  86.  87.  Plans 
the  Port  Bill,  88.  340-341.  438. 

Graves,  Admiral.   251.338-340.  404. 

Greene,  Nathanael.  242.  323.  329. 
362.  413.  441. 

Hallowell,  Benjamin.  Chased  into 
Boston,  124.  252. 

Hancock,  John.  57.  103.  119.  131. 
132.  178-179.  183.  187.  189. 
251.  291.  380.  381.  388.  442. 

How,  David,  3 24-3 25.    377~378.  406. 

Howe,  Sir  William.  143.  Arrives  at 
Boston,  239.  Is  given  command  in 
Bunker  Hill  battle,  260.  His 
strategy,  263;  267.  269.  273. 
277.  287.  333.  Becomes  com- 
mander-in-chief,  357.  Inactivity, 

358.  Desires  to  go  to  New  York, 

359.  Interview  with  John  Leach, 
396.       Sense  of  security,  404-406. 
Surprised  by   the  taking  of  Dor 
chester,  411.     Calls  council  of  war, 
412.       Plans  to  attack,  414.      Is 
prevented  by  a  gale,  414.     Orders 
evacuation,    414.          Prepares    to 
depart,  416  ff.     Accepts  "notice  to 
quit,"    427.  Evacuates,    428. 
Stays  at  Nantasket  with  his  fleet, 
430.    Sails  for  Halifax,  432.    Public 
indignation  against  him,  436-437. 


Hutchinson,  Thomas.  In  Writs  of 
Assistance  case,  24.  26.  Opposi 
tion  to  Stamp  Act,  32.  At  Stamp 
Act  riot,  34.  His  house  sacked,  36. 
53.  After  the  Massacre,  66.  68. 
Gives  way  to  Adams,  69-70. 
Governor,  73.  Tea-party,  79-81. 
The  Hutchinson  Letters,  85-86. 
Called  to  England,  91.  Quoted, 
106.  187.  Death,  439. 

Knox,  Henry.  At  the  Massacre,  62. 
326.  387.  409,  note.  441. 

Labor,  Restrictions  on,  Sabine's 
opinion  of  their  effect  on  the  Revo 
lution,  30-31. 

Leach,  John.  342.  350.  351.  352- 
353-  395-397- 

Lechmere's  Point.  323.  358.  360. 
367.  378.  406. 

Lee,  Charles.  Correspondence  with 
Burgoyne,  314  ff.  362.  441. 

Lexington.  Hancock  and  Adams  in, 
178-179.  183.  187.  189.  Militia 
assemble,  190.  The  fight  on  the 
Green,  190  ff.  The  retreat  to,  205. 
The  British  are  reinforced,  206, 
208. 

Liberty,  Sloop,  the  Affair  of  the.  52. 
Samuel  Adams  at,  56. 

Liberty,  Sons  of .    36.     37.     78. 

Liberty  Tree.  The  Great  Tree,  34. 
Named,  37.  78.  Felled,  395. 

Lovell,  James.    350.    352.   353.    419. 

Mandamus  Councillors.  116-118. 
123.  252. 

Manly,  Captain.     429. 

Marshfield.  Troops  sent  to,  143-144. 
Driven  from,  218-219. 

Massacre,  The.  59-65.  Town  Meet 
ing  that  followed,  66-70.  71.  104. 
Warren's  second  oration  on,  i54ff. 
327-  413- 

Mast  trees.     12. 

Militia  of  New  England.  165-168. 
The  Minute  Men,  168-169.  Sys- 


448 


Index 


tern     of     summoning,      160-170. 
Gather  at  Concord,  194-195.     The 
gathering   about  Boston,  216-218. 
300-391.    430-431.    436. 
Morrison  the  deserter.    353  ff. 

Newell,  Timothy.     353.     354.      355. 

395-  399-  414-  420.  423,  and  note. 
New     England     sentiment     toward 

England.    8.    9.    n.     18-19.    29. 

42-44. 
Non-Importation    Resolves.  46. 

Broken,  72-73.    97.    102. 
North,  Lord.    87.    89. 

Old  South  Church.  Massacre  Town 
Meeting,  66.  Tea-party  meeting, 
81.  153  ff.  Becomes  a  riding- 
school,  400, 402.  425.  442. 

Oliver,  Andrew.  Tax-collector,  33. 
Burned  in  effigy,  34.  Resigns 
office,  35.  At  the  Powder  Alarm, 
123-124- 

Oliver,  Peter.     121. 

Otis,  James.     25-27.    46.     266. 

Percy,  Lord.  Opinion  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  153.  Opinion  changed,  213. 
185.  226.  412.  414. 

Pitcairn,  Major.  184.  192-194.  198. 
279.  284. 

Pomeroy,  Seth.    19.    146.    266.    305. 

Port  Bill.  88.  In  force  June  i,  1774, 
98.  436. 

Powder  Alarm.     1235. 

Prescott,  Dr.  Rides  with  Revere, 
1 88.  Escapes  capture,  188,  189. 
197. 

Prescott,  William,  of  Pepperell.  216. 
255.  256.  258.  260.  261.  264. 
270.  278.  279.  280.  284.  362. 

Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts. 
The  First.    Suggested  by  Suffolk 
Resolves,  130.       Boston   delegates 
elected,  134-135.     Organized,   137. 
Meets  at  Concord,  137.      Acts  of, 
138. 
The  Secotid.    Meets,  146. 


Putnam,  Israel.  121.  125.  217. 
242.  246.  253.  257.  264.  270. 
277.  282.  283.  288.  289,  and  note. 
304.  362.  413.  415.  428.  430. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  Jr.    57.    65. 

Regulating  Act.  89.  News  of  its 
passage,  121-113.  Declared  un 
constitutional,  130. 

Remonstrance  and  Circular  Letter. 
49.  Refusal  of  Assembly  to  rescind, 
54- 

Revenue  Acts.  Provisions  of,  44. 
Passed,  45.  Repealed,  72. 

Revere,  Paul.  37.  54.  138.  170. 
173.  His  account  of  himself, 
174  ff.  His  ride,  180  ff.  Is  cap 
tured,  1 88.  Released,  189.  Story 
of  Dr.  Church,  223. 

Safety,  Committee  of.  Appointed, 
139.  Warren  a  member  of,  146. 
242.  254. 

Salem.  Made  port  of  entry,  88.  97- 
98.  99.  Town  meeting,  119. 
Gage  withdraws  to  Boston,  133. 
Troops  sent  to,  144-145. 

Shuldham,  Admiral.    404.    412. 

Siege.  Summary  of,  2-3.  Froth- 
ingham's  history  of,  3,  note.  Be 
ginning  of,  214-215.  The  army 
before  Boston,  241  ff.  The  provin 
cials  seize  the  hay  and  livestock  on 
the  harbor  islands,  248-250.  They 
plan  to  seize  Bunker  Hill,  253. 
The  battle,  256  ff.  Washington 
takes  command,  301.  He  strips 
the  harbor  islands,  318-319.  The 
American  navy,  319-320.  Dicker 
ing  in  camp,  324.  The  British  in 
Boston,  332.  Operations,  336-338. 
Desertion,  343-344.  Diversions 
of  the  garrison,  348 ;  and  of  WhigB, 
349.  Imprisonments,  351  ff.  Brit 
ish  go  into  winter  quarters,  359. 
Efforts  to  provision  Boston,  392- 
393.  Shortage  of  fuel,  394.  Di- 


Index 


449 


versions  of  the  officers,  397-398. 
The  Old  South  becomes  a  riding- 
school,  399;  and  Faneuil  Hall  a 
playhouse,  400.  The  interrupted 
farce,  400.  Discomforts  in  the 
town,  402-403.  Smallpox,  403. 
Washington  seizes  Dorchester,  406 
ff.  Howe  decides  to  attack,  412. 
Is  prevented  by  a  storm,  414. 
Evacuation  ordered,  414.  Confu 
sion  in  the  town,  420  ff.  Nook's 
Hill  taken,  427.  Evacuation,  428. 
Putnam  enters,  428.  The  town 
defended  from  sea  attack,  430. 
Howe's  fleet  sails,  432.  The  Ameri 
cans  enter,  432.  Highlanders  cap 
tured,  436.  Howe's  squadron 
driven  away,  436. 

Sons  of  Liberty.    36.    37.    78. 

Stamp  Act.  26.  Provisions  of,  27. 
Opposition  to  its  passage,  31. 
Opposition  to  its  enforcement,  32- 
34.  38.  Stamp  Act  Congress,  38. 
Repeal,  38. 

Stark,  John.  218.  242,  266-7.  270, 
288.  362. 

Suffolk  County  Convention.  128. 
Resolves  of,  129-130. 

Sugar  Act,  The,  of  1733.  23.  Re- 
enacted  1763,  26.  42. 

Taxation  of  the  Colonies.  27-30. 
31.  38-39.  Declaratory  Act,  41. 
42.  44-45.  "Farmer's  Letters," 
46.  Revenue  Acts,  44,  45,  72. 
Tax  on  Tea,  72. 

Tea.  Tax  on,  72.  75-76.  Its  con 
nection  with  the  Revolution,  77. 
Boston  refuses  to  pay  for,  no. 

Tea-Party.     Boston.    74-84,  138. 

Thomas,  John.  146.  245-6.  289. 
362.  413. 

Ticonderoga.  Taking  of,  247.  Can 
non  brought  to  Boston,  387. 

Tories.     21-23,  28.     39.     no:     133. 
Tory  sentiment,  151-152.     Tories 
prevent   the   Whigs   from   leaving  j 
Boston,    226-7.         Tory   refugees, 


228.  Situation  in  the  country, 
232-3.  Military  companies,  234. 
251-  33i-  345-6.  Enlistments, 
347-348.  Surprised  at  order  for 
evacuation,  418.  Decide  to  leave 
Boston,  419.  Genteel  thievery, 
425.  Evacuation,  428.  Their  fate, 
438  ff. 

Town  government.     7.  15. 

Townshend,  Charles.     42. 

Trade  restrictions.  12-13,  28.  See 
also  Taxation,  Non-Importation 
Resolves. 

Troops  in  Boston.  Demands  for,  50, 
54.  Sent,  55.  Landed,  58.  Their 
life  in  Boston,  59.  The  Massacre, 
60  ff.  Withdrawn  to  the  Castle, 
70.  147-8.  Diary  of  Lieut. 
Barker,  148.  Discontent,  148-150. 
Opinion  of  Americans,  153.  Opin 
ion  changed,  213.  Gage's  force, 
April,  1775,  161.  The  Concord 
expedition,  184,  186.  Condition  in 
early  siege,  237.  Opinion  of  the 
Yankees,  238.  Reinforcements, 
239,  252.  Opinion  of  Bunker  Hill 
battle,  286.  Lack  of  fresh  provi 
sion,  341.  High  death  rate  among 
the  wounded,  342-343.  Summer 
comfort,  345.  Feel  shame  at 
evacuation,  432. 

Ward,  Artemas.  146.  241.  242. 
245.  246.  264.  274.  275.  281. 
284.  289.  304. 

Warren,  Joseph.  57.  103.  104.  no. 
At  Powder  Alarm,  124.  128.  131. 
Becomes  leader  in  absence  of 
Adams,  135.  Letter  concerning 
Episcopalians,  136.  Leads  the  Pro 
vincial  Congress,  137-138.  146. 
Second  Oration  on  the  Massacre, 
153  ff.  176.  179.  Sends  out 
Dawes  and  Revere,  180.  His  ac 
tions  on  the  igth  of  April,  208-9. 
214.  Letter  to  Gage,  221-2.  242. 
Goes  to  Bunker  Hill,  266.  His 
conduct  and  death,  281-3.  442- 


450 


Index 


Washington,  George.  136.  272. 
294-297.  298.  299.  300.  Takes 
command,  301.  His  importance 
in  the  war,  302.  303.  304.  Diffi 
culty  with  generals,  304-5 ;  with 
soldiers,  305-8;  with  uniforms, 
308-9.  Fortifies,  310,  311.  Corre 
spondence  with  Gage,  313.  314. 
Burns  the  lighthouse,  318-9.  His 
navy,  319.  Difficulties,  320-1. 
Lack  of  powder,  321,  382;  of 
muskets,  323,  384-385.  His  use 
of  pikes,  326.  Councils  of  war,  329, 
336.  Seizes  Cobble  Hill  and  Lech- 
mere  Point,  360.  His  military 
strength  and  weakness,  362-363. 
Reorganization,  364-5.  Winter 
quarters,  366.  Difficulties,  368  ff. 
Joined  by  his  wife,  373.  Trouble 
with  Connecticut  troops,  374. 
Enlistments,  375  ff.  Eager  to 
attack  Boston,  381.  His  summary 
of  his  difficulties,  381-82;  383  ff. 
Opinion  of  his  men,  388-389.  Pre 
pares  to  take  Dorchester,  389-392. 
Seizes  Dorchester,  406  ff.  Is 
ready  for  Howe's  assault,  413. 


Disappointed    at    its    prevention, 

415.  Awaits  Howe's  departure, 

416.  418.     419.     Sends  troops  to 
New  York,  422,  429.        Fortifies 
Nook's  Hill,  427.      Takes  posses 
sion  of  Boston,  428.    Fortifies,  430. 
Puzzled  by  Howe's  stay  at  Nan- 
tasket,  430.     Dines  with  John  An 
drews,  434.     Starts  for  New  York, 
435.    His  conduct  of  the  siege,  441. 

Whigs  and  Tories  contrasted.  21-23. 
418. 

Whigs.  Their  four  classes  in  Boston, 
92-96.  Leaders  of,  103  ff.  108. 
Their  acts  betrayed,  109.  Their 
difficulties,  113.  Force  resigna 
tions  of  Mandamus  councillors, 
117-118.  131.  138.  Their  watch 
on  Gage,  176  ff.  Difficulties  at 
evacuation,  426. 

Winthrop,  John.  "Avoid  or  pro 
tract,"  8.  His  house  pulled 
down,  397. 

Writs  of  Assistance.  Petition  for,  23. 
Case  tried  before  Hutchinson,  24. 
Otis'  speech,  25.  Judgment  de 
layed,  26. 


"THE  following  pages  contain  advertisements  of  a 
few  of  the  Macmillan  books  on  kindred  subjects 


Stories  from  American  History 

Yankee  Ships  and  Yankee  Sailors 

BY  JAMES  BARNES 

Tales  of  1812,  by  the  author  of  "Drake  and  his  Yeomen,"  "For  King 
and  Country,"  etc.  Illustrated  by  R.  F.  ZOGBAUM  and  CARLTON  T. 
CHAPMAN. 

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The  Wilderness  Road 

BY  H.   ADDINGTON  BRUCE 

The  central  figure  in  this  story  of  the  early  development  of  the  Middle 
West  is  Daniel  Boone,  the  man  who  blazed  the  famous  Wilderness  road. 
In  telling  his  story  Mr.  Bruce  touches  on  such  matters  as  the  economic 
and  social  factors  influencing  the  movement  across  the  mountains,  and 
the  significance  of  that  movement  with  relation  to  the  growth  of  revo 
lutionary  sentiment  in  the  American  colonies,  etc. 

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The  Story  of  the  Great  Lakes 

BY  EDWARD  CHANNING  AND  MARION  F.   LANSING 

The  Professor  of  American  History  in  Harvard  University,  author  of  a 
number  of  volumes  on  the  History  of  the  United  States,  has  found  an  im 
mense  amount  of  romance  centred  about  the  Great  Lakes,  from  the  time 
of  their  discovery  and  early  exploration  by  the  French  missionaries  down 
to  the  present  time  when  they  play  so  important  a  part  in  the  industrial 
progress  of  the  Middle  West.  This  book  tells  the  story  of  these  great  in 
land  waterways,  with  special  reference  to  those  picturesque  aspects  of  his 
tory  which  interest  the  general  reader. 

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The  Story  of  Old  Fort  Loudon 

BY  CHARLES  EGBERT  CRADDOCK 

A  Tale  of  the  Cherokees  and  the  Pioneers  of  Tennessee,  1760,  by  the 
author  of  "The  Prophet  of  the  Great  Smoky  Mountains."  Illustrated  by 
ERNEST  C.  PEIXOTTO. 

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STORIES  FROM  AMERICAN  HISTORY—  Continued 


Southern  Soldier  Stories 

BY  GEORGE  GARY  EGGLESTON 

Forty-seven  stories  illustrating  the  heroism  of  those  brave  Americans  who 
fought  on  the  losing  side  in  the  Civil  War.  Humor  and  pathos  are  found 
side  by  side  in  these  pages,  which  bear  evidence  of  absolute  truth.  Illus 
trated  by  RUFUS  F.  ZOGBAUM. 

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Tales  of  the  Enchanted  Isles  of  the  Atlantic 

BY  THOMAS  WENTWORTH  HIGGINSON 

Legends  showing  that  the  people  of  Europe  were  for  centuries  fed  with 
romances  of  marvellous  and  beautiful  countries  beyond  the  Atlantic.  Be 
sides  the  early  Irish,  Spanish,  and  other  traditions  of  the  Happy  Islands 
of  the  West,  there  come  to  us,  among  others  from  our  own  race,  the  old 
stories  of  King  Arthur  and  his  Avalon;  of  St.  Brandan's  Isle;  of  the  Voy 
ages  of  Erik  the  Viking ;  and  of  the  vanishing  Norumbega,  so  real  a  vision 
to  the  imaginations  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  day.  Illustrated  by  ALBERT 
HERTER. 

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De  Soto  and  His  Men  in  the  Land  of  Florida 

BY  GRACE  KING 

The  author  of  "  New  Orleans :  The  Place  and  the  People  "  has  collected 
into  an  entertaining  volume  stories  of  the  brilliant  armada  which  sailed 
westward  under  De  Soto  in  1538  to  subdue  the  natives  and  bring  this 
country  under  the  Spanish  crown.  Old  Spanish  and  Portuguese  narra 
tives  are  the  basis  of  its  history.  Illustrated  by  GEORGE  GIBBS. 

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STORIES  FROM  AMERICAN  HISTORY  —  Continued 


The  Story  of  the  New  England  Whalers 

BY  JOHN  R.   SPEARS 

Some  of  the  most  romantic  and  adventurous  characters  in  American  his 
tory  are  dealt  with  in  this  book,  in  which  Mr.  Spears  tells  of  the  Ameri 
can  whaling  industry.  He  has  given  us  the  life  stories  of  the  men  to 
whom  more  than  to  any  others  was  due  the  upbuilding  of  the  American 
merchant  service.  Illustrated  from  photographs. 

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The  Story  of  the  American  Merchant  Marine 

BY  JOHN  R.   SPEARS 

"  For  over  twenty  years  Mr.  Spears  has  been  regarded  as  an  authority  on 
American  sea  enterprises.  The  books  from  his  pen  are  based  upon  long 
study  of  the  topics  he  treats.  ...  In  the  present  volume  he  tells  the 
story  of  our  merchant  marine  from  its  beginnings,  through  all  the  phases 
of  its  history  .  .  .  that  have  marked  this  feature  of  our  activities  since 
the  Civil  War."  —  Advocate  of  J'eace. 

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Buccaneers  and  Pirates  of  Our  Coast 

BY  FRANK  R.    STOCKTON 

This  book  is  an  account  of  the  offshoots  of  the  early  English,  French,  and 
Dutch  combinations  against  Spanish  exactions  in  West  India  waters. 
From  the  early  buccaneer  and  later  pirates  Mr.  Stockton  has  told  these 
wild  and  entertaining  stories  of  picturesque  figures.  Illustrated  by  G. 
VAKIAN  and  B.  W.  CI.INEDIXST. 

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The  Last  American  Frontier 

BY  PROFESSOR  FREDERIC  L.    PAXSON 

"  His  happy  mastery  of  his  subject  enables  his  readers  to  grasp  it  far 
more  effectually  than  by  the  method  of  supplying  them  with  dates  and 
incidents  and  leaving  them  to  shape  their  own  vision  of  the  progress  of 
settlement  as  a  whole."  —  The  Living  Age. 

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ILLUSTRATED   DESCRIPTIONS   OF 
AMERICAN  PLACES  AND  PEOPLE 

BY  M.  A.  DfiWOLFE  HOWE 

Boston  :   The  Place  and  the  People 

With  over  one  hundred  illustrations,  including  many  from  pen  drawings 
executed  especially  for  this  volume  by  L.  A.  HOLMAN. 

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BY  MRS.  ST.  JULIEN  RAVENEL 

Charleston  :  The  Place  and  the  People 

Illustrated  from  photographs  and  drawings  by  VERNON  H.  BAILEY. 

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BY  GRACE  KING 

New  Orleans  :  The  Place  and  the  People 

With  eighty-three  illustrations  from  drawings  by  FRANCES  JONES. 

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BY  AGNES  REPPLIER 

Philadelphia  :   The  Place  and  the  People 

With  eighty-two  illustrations  from  drawings  by  ERNEST  C.  PEIXOTTO. 

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BY  JOHN  C.  VAN  DYKE 

The  New  New  York :   The  Place  and  the  People 

With  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  illustrations,  including  twenty-four  in 
color,  by  JOSEPH  PENNELL. 

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Welcome  books,  either  for  the  traveller's  use  during  his  visit,  or  as  a 
pleasant  reminder  of  bygone  days,  or  to  bring  the  different  districts  vividly 
before  the  minds  of  intending  travellers,  or  before  those  who  are  unable  to 
leave  home. 

PUBLISHED    BY 

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14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

RENEWALS  ONLY— TEL.  NO.  642-3405 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


SEP  10  1970     8 

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REC'D  LD    SEP 

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MAR  1  1  1977 

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(N5382slO)476-A-32 


General  Library 

Uoiversity  of  California 

Berkeley 


GENERAL  LIBRARY  -  U.C.  BERKELEY 


